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Weimar #1. Le correnti della destra

La Repubblica di Weimar: ieri, oggi? e domani?

lunedì 15 settembre 2003, di Elena Sciarra

Che senso ha oggi, a settant’anni esatti dalla sua fine, parlare della Repubblica di Weimar e del pensiero di destra che la min?? alle basi?
Potrebbe sembrare una specie di vezzo da eruditi, rievocazione polverosa e stantia. E invece proprio in questo periodo, dopo settant’anni, capita di leggere dell’esistenza di diverse centinaia di siti fascisti e nazisti, con tanto di vendita di simpatici gadget a forma di croce uncinata. E questo sarebbe gi?†, forse, abbastanza, per giustificare la volont?† di riaprire il cassetto della memoria. Poi accade che un uomo, in un rilassato e amabile conversare da dopocena, dica che quella fascista fu una dittatura per modo di dire, una dittatura all’acqua di rose. Dica che Mussolini, in fondo, non ha mai ucciso nessuno. Dica che gli oppositori spediti al confino erano in una specie di mezza vacanza. E accade che quell’uomo sia il presidente del Consiglio.
Il fatto ?® che mi sembra possibile avvertire delle affinit?†, delle somiglianze, tra questo tempo - il tempo in cui ci ?® toccato di vivere - e quello. Una stessa inquietudine, uno stesso scontento diffuso al quale ?® necessario trovare un colpevole, una stessa volont?† di abbandonarsi a una qualche sorta di rigenerazione o palingenesi o comunque la si voglia chiamare, che, al di l?† dell’imponenza delle parole usate, consiste in qualcosa di estremamente gretto (avere un momento di piccola gloria, sentirsi inseriti in una realt?† in cui ?® chiaro cosa ?® bene e cosa ?® male, cosa ?® giusto e cosa ?® sbagliato, e si ?® risparmiati dal peso della responsabilit?† di doverlo decidere autonomamente). E il riaffiorare di questa destra - da baraccone, se vogliamo, ma non per questo meno allarmante - mi sembra un sintomo da non trascurare. Per non parlare poi della situazione politica italiana, in cui "lo sgretolamento degli standard democratici rende di nuovo problematico anche l’approccio al fascismo", e in cui, forse per un eccesso di zelo comparatistico, mi sembra di ravvisare alcuni dei meccanismi propagandistici presenti nella Germania degli anni ’20.
?à quasi superfluo dire che le due situazioni sono talmente lontane che fare paragoni o stabilire parallelismi sembra quasi insensato. Eppure penso che leggere il presente alla luce di ci?? che ?® stato possa essere utile, almeno per toccare con mano l’abissale distanza che passa tra una propaganda vuota e demagogica e la concretizzazione effettiva delle idee che essa porta avanti.

Questa che segue ?® la prima delle tre parti in cui ho suddiviso il mio studio. Le altre due verranno pubblicate su sguardomobile nelle prossime settimane.
(es)

1- La Repubblica di Weimar e le correnti della destra

L’epoca della Repubblica di Weimar può essere suddivisa in tre fasi: una prima, che va dagli ultimi mesi del 1918 fino alla fine del 1923, caratterizzata da un’alta conflittualità, sia a livello sociale che politico, e da gravi problemi economici, ma anche da un notevole interesse, da parte delle classi colte, per la nuova realtà politica che si andava delineando, a cui segue, fino al tardo autunno del ’29, un’epoca più tranquilla, sia a livello economico che politico, malgrado la persistente instabilità governativa, caratterizzata da una grande fioritura culturale. La grande crisi del 1929 apre il terzo - ed ultimo - periodo della Repubblica, in cui il radicalizzarsi dello scontro politico viene dimostrato dall’accresciuta importanza, non solo in sede parlamentare, dei partiti più estremi, quello comunista (KPD) e quello nazionalsocialista (NSDAP), caratterizzati entrambi dal rifiuto della Repubblica.
Il fattore economico fu certamente decisivo nel processo di erosione del consenso verso lo Stato

Heartfield: "Dieci anni dopo"

repubblicano, ma esso agì altrettanto sicuramente su un terreno fertile e pronto ad accogliere le voci ostili.
La prima fase della Repubblica è caratterizzata, come detto, da una situazione economica difficilissima e da un radicalizzarsi impressionante della politicizzazione e sindacalizzazione delle masse rispetto all’anteguerra. D’altronde basta prendere in considerazione il contesto in cui la Repubblica nasce per capire quanto il clima dell’epoca fosse conflittuale. La rivoluzione dell’autunno 1918, ad opera di soldati, operai, marinai e contadini, fu decisiva per l’abdicazione del Kaiser, che si tradusse nella nascita della Repubblica. E’ fondamentale ricordare che essa avvenne parallelamente alla disfatta militare, alimentando così, per tutto il periodo repubblicano, la cosiddetta Dolchstoßlegende, cioè la "leggenda della pugnalata alla schiena", inferta dai rivoluzionari alla patria, secondo cui la sconfitta in guerra sarebbe stata causata dal cedimento del fronte interno, e non da un’effettiva inferiorità militare.

La rottura dell’assetto politico-istituzionale, dunque, venne spesso avvertita come fonte di tutti i mali della nuova Germania. La crisi economica, la frammentazione della società, la sconfitta in guerra: tutti elementi che contribuiscono a spiegare il clima di incertezza e di scontento che serpeggiava all’interno della nuova Repubblica. In realtà, buona parte del cambiamento che veniva avvertito era dovuto non alla disgregazione della società o alla corruzione dei costumi causate - così alcuni sostenevano - dal nuovo regime repubblicano, ma dal fatto che era iniziato un periodo di ristrutturazione e di razionalizzazione dell’economia, con ovvie conseguenze anche a livello sociale (in primo luogo la forte conflittualità operaia).

In questi anni la vita nella metropoli si fece sempre più frenetica e ricca di stimoli, e gli artisti dovettero far spesso i conti, anche in maniera critica e sofferta, con la nuova società di massa, dominata dal movimento, dalla macchinizzazione, dalla velocità, dalla catena di montaggio, che diventò una delle immagini simbolo della modernità. Berlino, che con più di quattro milioni di abitanti era la terza città del mondo, sembrava riassumerne in sé tutti i caratteri, da alcuni giudicati peraltro in maniera molto negativa, in quanto contrapposti a quelli del vero Geist tedesco. In effetti erano piuttosto numerose, in quegli stessi anni, le correnti culturali che esaltavano l’antimodernismo e si rifugiavano in un passato mitico (1).

In ogni caso, il nuovo assetto istituzionale che la Germania si diede fu avvertito, in positivo o in negativo, come un vero e proprio rivolgimento, tale da scuotere alle fondamenta lo Stato tedesco.
La rottura col passato da un punto di vista politico-istituzionale implicava anche, almeno per gli intellettuali, l’abbandono del tradizionale atteggiamento unpolitisch, ovvero di tacita approvazione del regime, che li caratterizzava: una democrazia postulava in effetti per sua natura un impegno civile positivo, da qualunque parte ci si schierasse, certamente maggiore che non un regime come quello guglielmino.
Tra gli uomini di cultura, però, benché non mancassero le voci di coloro che si schierarono con la Repubblica, l’atteggiamento generale fu una presa di distanza spesso apertamente critica rispetto al dibattito politico, specie a livello delle università, roccaforti, con poche eccezioni, del pensiero conservatore (2).
Molti, in effetti, giudicavano la forma repubblicana e liberale di Weimar completamente estranea al Geist tedesco, come una specie di importazione dalle potenze vincitrici causata dalla sconfitta. Proprio il richiamo alla sconfitta e all’umiliazione del trattato di Versailles, che il nuovo stato si era piegato ad accettare nonostante le clausole durissime, fu uno dei tratti distintivi che caratterizzarono negativamente la Repubblica. Gli elementi di diffidenza e di sfiducia nei suoi confronti superavano di gran lunga quelli di entusiasmo. Dopo il ’29, questo diffuso atteggiamento di diffidenza divenne in molti casi un attacco aperto contro di essa, rivolto in particolare al parlamentarismo, che avrebbe preso sempre più vigore col passare dei mesi e l’aggravarsi della situazione economica.
Questo atteggiamento di colpevolizzazione della frammentazione partitica come unica fonte di tutti i mali della Germania viene tra l’altro emblematicamente rappresentata negli articoli di alcune riviste di destra, come Die Tat, che peraltro si limitavano a sferrare attacchi veementi contro lo Stato senza fare alcuna concreta proposta alternativa che non fosse l’abolizione totale del sistema partitico e parlamentare.

Dal punto di vista costituzionale, ai partiti non era stato dato un ruolo particolarmente importante. E’ stato anzi evidenziato il fatto che ad essi, organi della formazione della volontà politica, non fosse stato conferito alcuno status legale attraverso il dettato costituzionale (3). Di fatto, però, divennero l’elemento portante delle istituzioni repubblicane, di cui costituirono anche un punto di debolezza, con la loro incapacità di superare gli specifici interessi settoriali, trovando termini di dialogo più ampi.
Parallelamente all’importanza dei partiti, si evidenziò una tendenza a superarne la frammentazione attraverso momenti plebiscitari o sovrapartitici, comunque unificanti. E’ questo, ad esempio, il caso delle funzioni politiche svolte dai presidenti del Reich, in particolare dopo il 1925

Il maresciallo Hindenburg

dal maresciallo Hindenburg. Un altro modo per ritrovare, all’interno di un contesto politico fortemente disgregato, dei momenti unificanti fu poi la presenza in molti governi di tecnici, nella speranza che sapessero portare equilibrio tra le tante e diverse forze parlamentari.
Si è voluto evidenziare questo elemento di scarsa omogeneità nel parlamento di Weimar perché proprio questo fu il bersaglio preferito di quanti, da destra come da sinistra, davano il sistema liberale come spacciato. Se ciò era per la sinistra, o per una parte della sinistra, sintomo della crisi irreversibile del capitalismo, dato che la socialdemocrazia aveva imboccato con decisione la strada del riformismo, da parte della destra gli attacchi riguardavano il principio stesso del parlamentarismo che, invece di favorire i momenti unitari, fomentava l’odio e la contrapposizione all’interno della Gemeinschaft, che avrebbe dovuto rifarsi a dei principi del tutto diversi, quali l’armonia e la solidarietà nazionali, piuttosto che ricercare lo scontro. Inoltre, a giudizio della destra, il parlamento non faceva altro che discutere all’infinito sulle varie questioni, mentre era necessario prendere decisioni; a tale scopo non si escludeva la presenza di una personalità forte, che incarnasse la volontà dell’intera comunità nazionale, e non facesse gli interessi solo di qualche gruppo, come invece era prassi comune dei partiti.
Molti intellettuali, dunque, anche appartenenti a scuole di pensiero diverse, avevano spesso in comune questa avversione per la forma di governo repubblicana, e in genere non si riconoscevano in alcuno dei partiti esistenti. La loro era una posizione extraparlamentare, e rispecchiava il loro sostanziale spaesamento e l’incapacità di darsi un ruolo costruttivo all’interno della nuova Germania. Le loro prese di posizione erano sintomatiche di un malessere diffuso.

Volendo affrontare, seppur in termini molto generali, il pensiero politico di destra nella Repubblica di Weimar, bisogna ricordare che esso non è affatto omogeneo: grossomodo si può operare una prima, grossolana suddivisione tra un conservatorismo tendenzialmente vecchio stampo, nostalgico del vecchio Reich guglielmino, e una destra movimentista, spesso anticapitalista e antiparlamentare, fautrice di un nazionalismo di stampo diverso, che voleva la nascita di uno Stato nuovo, considerando l’epoca del secondo Reich ormai conclusa. Questi giovani, perché in gran parte proprio di giovani si trattava, facevano coincidere la necessità di una svolta politica col cambiamento generazionale di cui erano protagonisti, cambiamento tanto più avvertito per il profondo impatto dell’esperienza della guerra (Kriegserlebnis), che aveva mostrato loro una maniera diversa di rapportarsi alla vita.
All’interno di questi due grandi gruppi, poi, si possono individuare tendenze differenti, anche se a volte i confini tra queste non sono nettissimi.
Nel volume Antidemokratisches Denken in der Weimarer Republik, Kurt Sontheimer individua chiaramente i vari gruppi del pensiero antidemocratico. Del conservatorismo di vecchio tipo, che Sontheimer chiama Deutsch-Nationalismus o Altnationalismus, facevano parte essenzialmente i circoli della borghesia benestante, i nobili, gli alti funzionari e gruppi dell’aristocrazia militare. Ciò che li differenziava in maniera sostanziale dagli altri nazionalisti era una totale mancanza di considerazione per la questione sociale. Di fede sostanzialmente monarchico-autoritaria, il loro opportunismo appare evidente considerando la collaborazione, pur occasionale, al governo della Repubblica dei partiti che ne rappresentavano gli interessi (Deutsche Volkspartei e Deutschnationale Volkspartei). Temi prediletti della pubblicistica dell’Altnationalismus furono in particolare due dei più diffusi cliché con cui veniva screditata la Repubblica, ovvero la Dolchstoßlegende e la Kriegsschuldlüge, oltre naturalmente a una costante esaltazione del passato del secondo Reich.
Rispetto all’inclinazione völkisch del nuovo nazionalismo sussistono delle differenze sostanziali: il patriottismo dei gruppi altnationalistisch è fondamentalmente il rifiuto di prendere atto degli essenziali cambiamenti intervenuti già prima della Grande Guerra, ovvero l’ingresso in campo, in seguito all’industrializzazione, di nuove forze sociali, nella fattispecie quella dei lavoratori, e il conseguente avvento della società di massa. Se il nuovo nazionalismo proponeva di risolvere la questione sociale in maniera del tutto diversa rispetto alle sinistre, è però vero che esso sentì in maniera molto forte questo problema, contrariamente al Deutsch-Nationalismus, preoccupato solo di non perdere, dopo la svolta epocale del dopoguerra, le posizioni di predominio che gli erano proprie.
Di fondo, due erano i punti essenziali del pensiero del nazionalismo tradizionale: la concezione di uno Stato forte collegata ad una corrispondente idea di Realpolitik e la ribellione contro una nuova regolamentazione sociale nello Stato.
Dall’ideale dello Stato forte conseguivano, in maniera abbastanza naturale, l’avversione per il trattato di Versailles, la Dolchstoßlegende, la battaglia contro la Kriegsschuldlüge, la protesta contro la politica della Erfüllung, cioè dell’adempimento delle clausole del trattato di pace, in primo luogo per quanto concerne la questione delle riparazioni. Dal secondo aspetto del pensiero conservatore discende invece l’irriducibile ostilità verso la democrazia e i partiti, verso il predominio della maggioranza e il parlamentarismo.
In conclusione, il Deutsch-Nationalismus può essere considerato come eminentemente reazionario, in quanto esso non si rendeva conto delle nuove esigenze e delle mutate condizioni dei tempi, e non riusciva, o non voleva, farle proprie, integrandole in qualche modo nella sua Weltanschauung. Esso è tra i maggiori responsabili dell’ondata di disfattismo nei confronti del nuovo ordinamento statale, col suo attaccare senza tregua i firmatari di Versailles e la loro politica, senza però mai porsi seriamente il problema se davvero vi fosse un’alternativa possibile a tutto questo. In sostanza, non fece altro che scaricare tutte le responsabilità delle miserie presenti all’esterno sulle altre nazioni, e all’interno su uno Stato che stava passivamente al gioco dei nemici. Era, questa, una posizione del tutto anacronistica, impregnata di una mistica dell’esaltazione del passato che non aveva però più alcun riscontro nella realtà politica, economica e sociale di quegli anni.

Rispetto a questi gruppi nazionalisti, facilmente classificabili all’interno della destra conservatrice, è più difficile dare una collocazione politica precisa al nazionalismo "giovane", che non è del tutto assimilabile né agli ambienti della destra tradizionale né tantomeno a quelli della sinistra (4).
Il primo gruppo che può essere individuato è quello della cosiddetta Konservative Revolution, ovvero della Rivoluzione conservatrice, che già nel nome rimanda a quella commistione di elementi di destra e di sinistra che ne rende pressoché impossibile l’incasellamento in una precisa zona ideologica. D’altronde ai suoi membri importava davvero poco definirsi di destra o di sinistra, perché ciò rimandava all’odiato sistema politico weimariano basato sulla contrapposizione dei partiti. Come già accennato, al centro del loro atteggiamento politico stava la convinzione di una profonda frattura tra la vecchia generazione e la nuova, segnata indelebilmente dall’esperienza della guerra. Essa aveva fornito loro nuovi stimoli, un nuovo senso della violenza e dell’azione risolutiva (questo elemento viene però particolarmente esaltato dal gruppo del Nazionalismo rivoluzionario

Ernst Jünger giovane

facente capo a Ernst Jünger). Ma più di tutto la guerra diede loro il senso della necessità di una nuova solidarietà tra le classi: combattere fianco a fianco per una causa comune fornì proprio questo sentimento sociale interclassista, che si vedeva continuamente messo in pericolo e vilipeso dall’ordinamento partitico, in cui ciascun gruppo faceva parte a sé, difendendo i propri meschini interessi.
In sostanza, la base sociale della Rivoluzione conservatrice era costituita dalle classi medie, e comprendeva piccoli e medi coltivatori, artigiani e bottegai, dipendenti dell’industria e della pubblica amministrazione, ed esponenti delle professioni liberali, ovvero medici, avvocati, docenti universitari, alti funzionari, ingegneri.
Questi gruppi, pur eterogenei, erano accomunati dal timore delle conseguenze dello sviluppo dell’economia tedesca, che stava portando da una parte alla crescita di potere del grande capitale, e dall’altra a una pericolosa affermazione della classe operaia, ben organizzata a livello sindacale e rappresentata, a livello politico, dai due grandi partiti socialisti, la SPD e la KPD.
Di fronte alla non rosea prospettiva di rimanere schiacciati da questa situazione, essi si affidarono all’idea dello Stato-nazione come unica unità redentrice in grado di superare i ristretti interessi di classe, riaffermando il primato della politica sull’economia, il che equivaleva a dire il primato dell’idealismo tedesco sul materialismo liberale, marxista, ebraico, sul cosmopolitismo illuminista e francese, sul predominio dell’egoismo e degli interessi individuali.
Questa tendenza culturale era caratterizzata dunque non tanto dagli elementi di antimodernismo tradizionale, ma piuttosto dalla conciliazione di alcuni aspetti del mondo moderno - come la tecnica, applicata ad esempio per fini bellici - con la tradizione nazionale tedesca. Ernst Bloch ha chiamato Ungleichzeitigkeit, non-contemporaneità, questa particolare miscela di esperienza moderna, capitalistica e industriale, e di elementi attinti alla tradizione precapitalistica e preindustriale (5).

I rivoluzionari conservatori sono identificabili anche da un punto di vista generazionale: se alcuni precursori, come Oswald Spengler

Oswald Spengler

(1880-1936) e Moeller van den Bruck (1876-1925), erano diventati adulti prima della guerra, gli esponenti più in vista del movimento vero e proprio nacquero tutti tra il 1885 e il 1895. Ciò ha un significato storico ben preciso: per essi, infatti, il periodo della formazione coincise con gli anni della Prima Guerra Mondiale.
La Rivoluzione conservatrice risulta essere così un prodotto della sconfitta bellica e delle sue conseguenze: il Fronterlebnis insegnò a molti a disprezzare la società borghese, articolata in classi e frazionata all’interno, preferendole nettamente il senso di comunità proprio delle trincee, ricostituita in parte nei gruppi paramilitari che costellarono la Repubblica di Weimar, come i Freikorps. La guerra aveva determinato una svolta, poiché aveva fornito un’utopia concreta a cui fare riferimento, ovvero dei valori incrollabili in cui credere e la visione di una Gemeinschaft compatta, di fronte alle divisioni e alle insicurezze della Gesellschaft contemporanea: il Kriegserlebnis diventava davvero l’alternativa alla società borghese.
La Rivoluzione conservatrice, che del resto aveva moltissimi punti in comune con gli altri gruppi di destra che stiamo considerando, ad eccezione del nazionalismo vecchio stampo, ebbe luogo dentro e intorno alle università, ai circoli politici, alle riviste.
Essa era erede delle tradizioni irrazionalistiche europee: l’applicazione della Lebensphilosophie alla politica riusciva a darne una giustificazione al di là della sfera razionale, in netto contrasto coi principi del liberalismo.
La Lebensphilosophie era un indirizzo culturale diffuso (6), secondo il quale tutto ciò che aveva a che fare con la vita assumeva una connotazione positiva; più che di vita, in realtà, si dovrebbe parlare di Erlebnis, ovvero di esperienza, di momento vissuto. Gli esponenti di tale corrente, che passa trasversalmente attraverso molti movimenti di pensiero del periodo che stiamo considerando, si ritenevano rappresentanti di tutto ciò che era vitale, cosmico, elementare, organico, intuitivo.
Per quanto riguarda le loro idee sulla cosa pubblica, l’accento messo sull’Io postulava, in luogo di una concezione della politica come tentativo di bilanciare mezzi e fini, una bramosia d’azione e d’impegno fine a se stessa, senza riflettere seriamente, ad esempio, sulle conseguenze che i loro attacchi alla Repubblica potevano effettivamente avere.
Secondo quanto Friedrich Georg Jünger scriveva nel suo Der Aufmarsch des Nationalismus (1926), la "comunità della mente" (Geistgemeinschaft) si contrapponeva alla "comunità del sangue" (Blutgemeinschaft) che, al contrario della prima, non aveva bisogno per esistere di alcuna giustificazione intellettuale, ma viveva già di per sé. Per Jünger, scopo della politica doveva essere l’affermazione della Blutgemeinschaft e la fine dell’odiata Geistgemeinschaft senz’anima (7). Essa, infatti, comprendeva le idee e le istituzioni disprezzate dalla destra: la democrazia, il parlamento, la Francia, Weimar, il liberalismo politico e il liberismo economico.
Tutto ciò, ovvero in primo luogo l’accentuazione dell’elemento vitale, istintivo, e l’odio per il pensiero sistematico, per la riflessione, per il raziocinio, rende evidente un atteggiamento abbastanza diffuso da parte degli esponenti di questa corrente, ovvero un anti-intellettualismo che può apparire paradossale, ma che in effetti risulta comprensibile se si considera la connotazione che essi attribuivano al termine "intellettuale", parola che i nazisti usavano addirittura come un insulto(8) : intelletto (Verstand) era sinonimo di astrazione, marxismo, cosmopolitismo, ebraismo e si contrapponeva naturalmente al fascino per la violenza, per l’azione, per la Erlebnis. Nonostante questo, comunque, i rivoluzionari conservatori erano naturalmente essi stessi degli intellettuali, ma non avrebbero mai accettato questo appellativo: essi si consideravano piuttosto una élite culturale dotata di una speciale responsabilità, in grado di restituire vitalità a tradizioni, idee, simboli del passato nel tentativo di dare un senso alla loro epoca.
Sebbene questi uomini si richiamassero per molti aspetti alle idee di un certo Romanticismo tedesco (importanza della Innerlichkeit, accentuazione della potenza dello spirito e degli aspetti non razionali dell’esistenza), essi ne modificarono dei tratti importanti. In particolare, l’antiindustrialismo tipico del pensiero romantico veniva rifiutato, mentre ne venivano accentuati gli elementi volontaristici. Queste eredità romantiche, insomma, vennero ridefinite in modo tale da superare alcune dicotomie tra tradizione e modernità, in particolare per quanto riguarda il rapporto con la tecnica e lo sviluppo tecnologico (9) .
Il Nazionalismo rivoluzionario è il secondo centro del nazionalismo "giovane", benché le differenze rispetto al gruppo appena esaminato siano abbastanza sfumate. Le figure di maggior rilievo all’interno di questo gruppo sono certamente quelle dei fratelli Ernst e, in minor misura, Friedrich Georg Jünger i quali, per descrivere la loro Weltanschauung, ponevano in evidenza un nuovo rapporto con il suolo natio, una rinnovata attenzione per la segreta Ursprache (lingua originaria) del popolo, da tradurre nella lingua del ventesimo secolo (10) . Questo nuovo nazionalismo si proponeva innanzitutto come attività, volontà, movimento. L’impulso originario che dà forza all’uomo stava per esso nel sangue: la nazione era in effetti una comunità di sangue, ma di essa veniva messo in risalto l’elemento vitalistico, più che quello razzista.
Questo pensiero trovava la sua realizzazione e il suo compimento in una concezione assoluta del capo (Führer) e nell’idea di un imperialismo tedesco che andava molto oltre quella di uno Stato-nazione forte.
Come già la Rivoluzione conservatrice, anche il Nazionalismo rivoluzionario dava all’esperienza della guerra un rilievo molto forte. Tuttavia, gli aspetti che esso ne metteva in evidenza sono differenti, e consistono specialmente nel culto dell’azione, del gesto, della violenza, della gerarchia militare con la subordinazione al capo. Ciò conferisce a questo indirizzo di pensiero una coloritura piuttosto diversa rispetto al gruppo precedente: qui ci troviamo di fronte a un movimento più militante, più violento, più spietato, più concreto, nei metodi se non negli obiettivi.
Le differenze del nazionalismo "giovane", nelle sue varie espressioni, rispetto all’Altkonservatismus appaiono evidenti e profonde. Esse dipendono fondamentalmente dal fatto che questi giovani, bisognosi di valori assoluti in cui credere, non avevano però alcun modello concreto e vissuto di ordine al quale aggrapparsi. Di conseguenza il modello ideale che loro propongono è influenzato da quell’unica esperienza decisiva che essi hanno vissuto, cioè la guerra, e pertanto risulta infarcito di un certo spirito militaresco e militante, decisamente diverso da quello degli Altkonservativen.

Gli indirizzi del pensiero di destra non si esauriscono qui, in quanto rimangono da analizzare ancora due gruppi, quello dei Nazionalbolscevichi e quello dei Deutsch-Völkischen, a cui tra l’altro fece capo anche la NSDAP, che ne condivideva parecchi principi ispiratori.
Il cosiddetto Nazionalbolscevismo fornisce, già nel nome, un esempio lampante di come fosse difficile tracciare una linea di demarcazione netta tra destra e sinistra. In realtà qui abbiamo a che fare con un concetto che abbraccia gruppi fermi su diverse posizioni, accomunati tutti, però, da un accostamento alla Russia bolscevica. Possiamo in effetti individuare un Nazionalbolscevismo borghese, la cui vicinanza all’URSS discende non da una parentela ideologica, ma da considerazioni utilitaristiche di politica estera: un accostamento di questo tipo si era avuto, ad esempio, col trattato di non aggressione del 1928, che appariva opportuno per uscire dall’isolamento internazionale.
Accanto a queste posizioni troviamo anche chi proponeva una variante di comunismo di stampo nazionalistico. Appare significativo che Ernst Niekisch, il maggior rappresentante di questa corrente, fosse in contatto con i fratelli Jünger, a dimostrazione di come i motivi di vicinanza all’ URSS fossero ben diversi da quelli delle sinistre (11) . In realtà,

Ernst Niekisch

ciò che Niekisch proponeva era l’emancipazione della Germania dalle catene del sistema di Versailles, che la legavano ai paesi occidentali. La caratteristica principale della sua ideologia era in ultima analisi il nazionalismo e la divinizzazione dello Stato: il motivo per cui egli guardava all’URSS non era dunque la realizzazione del comunismo, ma la nascita di uno Stato forte, retto da una nuova élite politica, simile a ciò che in effetti avevano realizzato i bolscevichi. Nonostante le venature fortemente anticapitalistiche, nel senso della creazione di una vera Volksgemeinschaft, al centro del suo pensiero appare la volontà di ricostituire un Prussianesimo con lo sguardo rivolto ad est.

L’ultimo gruppo da considerare è quello dei cosiddetti Deutsch-Völkischen.
Se si premette che, al tempo di Weimar, i gruppi völkisch erano comunemente identificati con quelli antisemiti, apparirà chiaro quali fossero gli elementi portanti del loro pensiero.
Al centro stava il concetto di Volk, inteso in chiave strettamente razziale. Benché, infatti, il Volkstum fosse un’idea portante anche, ad esempio, nell’ideologia degli Jungkonservativen, per loro il fattore biologico non era affatto così in primo piano come per il gruppo ora in esame.
Quella völkisch si percepisce infatti come una Weltanschauung essenzialmente tedesca. Sua base portante era la concezione di un popolo tedesco depurato da ogni mescolanza con altre razze: lo Stato-nazione doveva consistere di individui esclusivamente di sangue ariano. Di conseguenza, il mondo veniva suddiviso nettamente in due parti: ciò che era proprio, tipico, autenticamente tedesco, e ciò che era estraneo, e quindi nemico.
L’internazionalismo era ovviamente bandito, in ogni campo: da quello della politica demografica, in cui andava raggiunta, attraverso misure d’igiene razziale, la purezza della razza, a quello dell’economia, per cui la Germania doveva staccarsi dagli ambienti del capitalismo internazionale, a quello spirituale e artistico, il che implicava l’eliminazione di tutti gli elementi estranei, in primo luogo quello ebraico, infine a quello politico, con la creazione di una forma statale nuova e genuinamente tedesca - ricordiamo che la Repubblica di Weimar era sentita da molti come estranea, importata dall’esterno.
La primitività del pensiero völkisch, che sarà fatto proprio anche dal Nazionalsocialismo, è mostrata già dalle rozze categorie antinomiche con cui esso opera: Tedesco contrapposto a Non-Tedesco, Nazionalismo a Internazionalismo, Razza a Interrazzialità, Giudeo ad Ariano.
Ovviamente, i confini di questi gruppi non erano tanto nettamente definiti da essere impermeabili a reciproche influenze. Ciò che va evidenziata è comunque una sostanziale insoddisfazione nei confronti dello stato presente delle cose.

Si trattava, insomma di un tipo di opposizione che non solo operava del tutto al di fuori del rispetto della Costituzione e dei suoi valori, ma che ne auspicava l’annullamento. La critica antidemocratica si scagliava in effetti contro le stesse fondamenta ideali della Repubblica di Weimar, investendo il liberalismo, il parlamentarismo, i partiti, la Costituzione, la democrazia (benché, per quanto riguarda quest’ultima idea, venissero spesso proposti modelli e concetti di "democrazia" di tipo nuovo).

NB: Nelle prossime settimane il resto di questo studio su Weimar:
2- Il pensiero antidemocratico
_3-Ilpensiero antidemocratico e la tecnica


Note

1Cfr.K. Sontheimer,AntidemokratischesDenkeninder Weimarer Republik: die politischen Ideen des deutschen Nationalismus zwischen 1918 und 1933, München, Deutscher Taschenbuch Verlag, 1978
2 Cfr. Christian Jansen, Professoren und Politik: politisches Denken und Handeln der Heidelberger Hochschullehrer 1914-1935, Göttingen, Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1992, p.12 ss.
3 Cfr. Gustavo Corni, Storia della Germania, Milano, Il Saggiatore, 1995., p.173; K. Sontheimer, op. cit., p.158
4 Su questo argomento, e in particolare sulla Rivoluzione conservatrice, cfr. Gilbert Merlio, "Der sogenannte ’heroische Realismus’ als Grundhaltung des Weimarer Neokonservatismus", in AA VV, Intellektuellendiskurse in der Weimarer Republik: zur politischen Kultur einer Gemengelage, a cura di Manfred Gangl e Gérard Raulet, Frankfurt a. M./ New York, Campus Verlag, 1994, p.271 ss.; Louis Dupeux, "’Kulturpessimismus’, Konservative Revolution und Modernität", in Intellektuellendiskurse…, cit., p.287 ss.; Jeffrey Herf, Il modernismo reazionario: tecnologia, cultura e politica nella Germania di Weimar e del Terzo Reich, Bologna, Il Mulino, 1988, p.49 ss.; Walter Laqueur, La Repubblica di Weimar, Milano, Rizzoli, 1979, p.103 ss.
5 Cit. in J. Herf, op. cit., p.34; cfr. anche Wolfgang Eßbach, "Radikalismus und Modernität bei Jünger und Bloch, Lukács und Schmitt", in Intellektuellendiskurse…, cit., p. 145 ss.
6 Cfr. J. Herf, op. cit., p.57 ss., Dieter Mayer, Linksbürgerliches Denken: Untersuchungen zur Kunsttheorie, Gesellschaftsauffassung und Kulturpolitik in der Weimarer Republik (1919-1924), München, Wilhelm Fink Verlag, 1981, p.12 ss.
7 Cfr. K. Sontheimer, Antidemokratisches…, cit., p.124
8 Cfr. Dietz Bering, Die Intellektuellen: Geschichte eines Schimpfwortes, Stuttgart, Klett-Cotta, 1978, p.94 ss.
9 Cfr. le tesi del volume di J. Herf, op. cit.
10 Sui fratelli Jünger, oltre a K. Sontheimer, op. cit., p.143 ss., cfr. (in particolare su Ernst Jünger) J. Herf, op. cit., p.115 ss.; W. Eßbach, "Radikalismus und Modernität…", cit., p.145 ss.
11 Cfr. K. Sontheimer, op. cit., p.129

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