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Weimar #2. Il pensiero antidemocratico

La crisi dei partiti e gli attacchi alla democrazia

domenica 28 settembre 2003, di Elena Sciarra

La crisi del sistema dei partiti fa emergere "una forma associativa di tipo nuovo, basata sul principio gerarchico", dove il mito e il culto del capo giocano un ruolo fondamentale.
Agli attacchi al parlamentarismo e alla democrazia una sinistra frammentata risponde in maniera disomogenea, incapace di opporsi con unit?† al nuovo fronte delle destre.
Non stiamo parlando dell’Italia dell’ultimo decennio, ma della crisi della repubblica di Weimar. Torniamo dunque a Weimar, laddove l’avevamo lasciata (qui), per la seconda parte (di tre) dello studio di Elena Sciarra. (lf)

[…] Tra "correnti culturali che esaltavano l’antimodernismo e si rifugiavano in un passato mitico" si forma un tipo di opposizione al sistema che non solo operava del tutto al di fuori del rispetto della Costituzione e dei suoi valori, ma che ne auspicava l’annullamento. La critica antidemocratica si scagliava in effetti contro le stesse fondamenta ideali della Repubblica di Weimar, investendo il liberalismo, il parlamentarismo, i partiti, la Costituzione, la democrazia.

La crisi dei partiti e del parlamentarismo

Alle spalle di questi movimenti di pensiero erano alcuni autori di fondamentale importanza, come Moeller van den Bruck(1) o Oswald Spengler(2) , che avevano dato ampiezza e respiro alle idee antidemocratiche. Chi, tuttavia, aveva fornito una sintesi davvero notevole e dato solidità intellettuale a questa corrente era senza dubbio Carl Schmitt(3) .
La critica di Moeller van den Bruck al liberalismo è estremamente chiara e dura, benché dal punto di vista scientifico non del tutto soddisfacente ed esaustiva.

Carl Schmitt

Egli scrive infatti, in modo molto esplicito, che "il liberalismo ha seppellito le culture. Ha liquidato le religioni. Ha distrutto le patrie. E’ stato l’autoannientamento dell’umanità"(4) .
Rispetto al diciannovesimo secolo, culla del liberalismo occidentale, si voleva ora costruire un nuovo edificio sociale e statale al posto della debole e impotente Repubblica di Weimar. Essa, infatti, non era un sistema delle libertà politiche, bensì dell’arbitrarietà, basato sull’egoismo dei singoli e dei gruppi d’interesse, che non avrebbe mai potuto condurre alla nascita di una comunità nazionale comprensiva di tutto il popolo.
Queste idee sono frequentemente ripetute nella pubblicistica del tempo in cui, accanto al concetto di liberalismo, considerato come principio antinaturale, anti-völkisch e antinazionale, si incontrano sempre anche quelli di individualismo e meccanicismo, con una connotazione evidentemente oltremodo negativa. Essi ebbero un ruolo importantissimo nella discussione ideologica degli anni Venti e, in virtù dell’uso piuttosto indeterminato che se ne faceva, servirono a coprire le più diverse costruzioni politiche e sociologiche(5) .
In definitiva, la negazione del liberalismo era un punto decisivo per tutti i gruppi di destra che sono stati descritti precedentemente. Anche l’influente Tatkreis, riunito attorno alla rivista Die Tat, disprezzava tutto ciò che avesse a che fare col termine "liberale"(6) . A questo proposito, appare significativo il giudizio che esso, o meglio il suo principale esponente, Hans Zehrer, dava della KPD e della NSDAP: pur riconoscendo loro lo scopo di liquidare la democrazia di Weimar, egli imputava a

Hans Zehrer

questi partiti l’incapacità di diventare dei veri movimenti di popolo, in quanto avevano in loro dei residui liberali, principalmente perché partecipavano, nonostante le loro finalità politiche ultime, alla vita parlamentare, e ne risultavano indeboliti.
Eppure, proprio nel periodo in cui Das Dritte Reich veniva pubblicato, cioè nei primi anni Venti(7) , era sembrata aprirsi una stagione d’oro per il liberalismo, con la nascita di una Repubblica la cui Costituzione si ispirava largamente ai suoi principi: l’ora sembrava propizia ai democratici molto più che ai nazionalisti. Solo dieci anni più tardi, però, il pensiero antiliberale si era talmente diffuso, e sembrava corrispondere così ampiamente alle inclinazioni dei Tedeschi, che un docente di diritto pubblico, Hans Liermann, ebbe a parlare di una vera e propria "Entliberalisierungswelle", ovvero di un’ondata che "deliberalizza gli spiriti, deliberalizza la costituzione, deliberalizza infine i partiti, lentamente ma di sicuro quegli stessi che provengono dal liberalismo"(8) .
Tra i nemici della Repubblica di Weimar va certamente annoverato Oswald Spengler, la cui critica investe tutti gli aspetti del nuovo ordine statale, ma in particolare il parlamentarismo: concependo la politica come opera dei grandi uomini, vedendo la storia delinearsi solo nelle loro figure, il concetto di sovranità popolare gli era quanto mai estraneo, e lo considerava a dir poco ridicolo.
In effetti, uno degli elementi più contraddittori del pensiero di destra è la continua accentuazione dell’elemento del Volk e della Volksgemeinschaft e, contemporaneamente, lo scetticismo riguardo a un’effettiva capacità del popolo di gestire la politica, e la necessità riconosciuta di capi forti che guidino le masse.

Comunque si giudichino le voci di dissenso, tuttavia, è innegabile che il sistema di Weimar non funzionasse bene: già nel 1921 mancava, al Reichstag, una maggioranza che si riconoscesse completamente nel sistema parlamentare(9) .
Il fatto di arrivare a situazioni difficili da gestire non era però solo da attribuire ai partiti politici più estremi: anche da parte della pubblicistica democratica, in effetti, non mancavano le critiche al sistema parlamentare weimariano.

Di fatto, la questione determinante nel dibattito intellettuale divenne ben presto quella del parlamentarismo. Si discuteva cioè se esso, nelle moderne condizioni di esistenza, fosse ancora vitale, ovvero se, a prescindere da questioni tecniche di miglioramenti e riforme, fosse ancora un valido modello di gestione politica.
Se per alcuni le pur innegabili e riconosciute difficoltà della Repubblica erano solo passeggere, destinate ad essere superate con l’avvento di una situazione economica più tranquilla, a prevalere era l’opinione per cui il sistema parlamentare, in seguito ai cambiamenti occorsi nella struttura sociale e politica dall’inizio del secolo, dovesse necessariamente essere in crisi, non corrispondendo alle esigenze della moderna società di massa(10) .
E’ estremamente significativo che queste voci critiche si fossero fatte sentire per tutto il corso degli anni Venti, quindi prima della grande crisi economica che avrebbe aggravato ulteriormente la situazione.
Questo clima di sfiducia, tuttavia, non corrispondeva a un’atmosfera di generale passività, anzi il clima era fortemente politicizzato: ne sono prova le numerose organizzazioni politiche, alcune di carattere quasi militare, la cui nascita rimanda alla protesta contro uno Stato che non corrispondeva alle loro concezioni(11) .
I motivi di critica erano svariati, ma tutti collegati tra loro: il sistema partitico veniva attaccato da alcuni perché aveva usurpato il potere allo Stato, che per loro doveva essere al di sopra del popolo e al tempo stesso comprenderlo nella sua totalità; da altri, in quanto aveva distrutto l’unità della nazione, frazionandola al suo interno; da altri ancora, infine, perché lo stesso concetto di partito era stato una trovata dei liberali dell’Ottocento, e quindi andava eliminato, conformemente alle nuove esigenze del ventesimo secolo.
Significativamente, Moeller van den Bruck parlava, nel suo Das Dritte Reich, di un terzo partito che avrebbe potuto risollevare le sorti della nazione(12) . Egli si riferiva non a un partito in senso tradizionale, ma a un indirizzo politico al di là della parzialità di destra e sinistra, che si configurasse come una sorta di partito unico di Stato, rivolto a tutti i tedeschi che tenessero all’unità della nazione. Moeller era convinto, in effetti, che la maggioranza del popolo non volesse più saperne dei partiti "normali". Nonostante la sua veemenza, però, la critica che egli portava avanti non aveva alcuna concretezza, limitandosi al rifiuto dello status quo e, più in generale, del liberalismo.
Queste condanne sommarie, pronunciate senza alcuna considerazione per l’analisi dei singoli punti in questione, sono comunque tipiche di tutta la pubblicistica antidemocratica di quegli anni, e innanzitutto del cosiddetto nuovo nazionalismo. Un altro dei bersagli preferiti era la corruzione, che effettivamente ebbe un peso abbastanza notevole nella Germania di Weimar: la sua presenza venne attribuita a - o quantomeno messa in relazione con - la presenza dei partiti.

Qual era però, in pratica, l’alternativa che le destre proponevano rispetto ad essi, nell’epoca della società di massa? Le nuove forme su cui si sarebbe dovuta basare la vita politica erano sostanzialmente il movimento e il Bund (13) .
Quello di Bund era un concetto preso dalla Jugendbewegung(14) , organizzazione fortemente politicizzata, ed indicava tutte quelle leghe ed associazioni di vario tipo che in Germania erano molto comuni fin dall’Ottocento; la definizione di movimento, invece, venne riservata solitamente alla NSDAP che, nonostante il suo status di partito, aveva sempre dato un estremo risalto all’aspetto movimentistico, rappresentato peraltro dall’ala sinistra delle SA, e si era sempre voluta differenziare dai cosiddetti Systemparteien.
Al concetto di Bund erano poi connesse le idee di Führerschaft e di Gefolgschaft, essendo queste unioni organizzate su base rigidamente gerarchica: esse vennero prese a modello per un nuovo Stato, che proprio su questi principi si basava.
Rispetto al partito tradizionale, poi, il Bund si differenziava perché non era basato su un gruppo d’interesse particolare contrapposto agli altri, ma si riferiva allo Stato come a un tutto unico.
Hans Liermann affermò, in uno scritto del 1931 sul cambiamento della struttura dei partiti tedeschi, che, di fronte al partito di impronta liberale, stava prendendo piede una forma associativa di tipo nuovo, basata sul principio gerarchico, definita appunto Bund. Egli poi continuava dicendo che, in questa nuova Führerpartei, il mito e il Führerglaube giocavano un ruolo fondamentale, e terminava con la considerazione che, nella misura in cui questo nuovo partito si sarebbe affermato, il mantenimento del principio liberale e di un parlamentarismo in grado di assolvere alle sue funzioni sarebbe risultato sempre più difficile(15) .
A testimonianza di quanto la questione dei partiti e della loro stessa ragion d’essere fosse vivacemente discussa in quel periodo, si può considerare la significativa opinione di Hans Zehrer, direttore della Tat, secondo il quale il metodo politico vincente consisteva non nel coinvolgimento delle grandi masse nella cosa pubblica, bensì nell’istruzione e nell’attività di una minoranza politicamente qualificata, una sorta di aristocrazia dello spirito, che avrebbe dovuto decidere per il bene dell’intera comunità, intesa come un tutto organico. Per Zehrer i vari Bünde dovevano avere il compito di occuparsi della nazione collaborando con questo regime, esplicitamente definito autoritario(16) .
In maniera simile si era espresso anche Ernst Jünger, secondo il quale il nuovo edificio statale organico non si basava sull’opinione pubblica o sulla maggioranza, ma s’imponeva attraverso l’azione di pochi.

Se, dunque, la pubblicistica di destra era univoca nella condanna del liberalismo, del parlamentarismo, dei partiti, e più in generale del "sistema", non si può dire lo stesso per quanto riguarda l’idea di democrazia: già a livello concettuale, infatti, le valutazioni e le sfumature nella definizione di questo termine variavano parecchio. Molti di coloro che si scagliavano contro Weimar erano infatti convinti di combattere non contro ma a favore della democrazia, in quanto la Repubblica era considerata solo una Scheindemokratie, cioè un’ombra, un’apparenza di democrazia: in breve, essa era il Sistema, con le sue rigidezze e, soprattutto, col suo formalismo.
Quest’ultimo è un termine che s’incontra spessissimo, negli scritti degli autori di destra, per identificare le gravi mancanze e i difetti maggiori di questo regime: esso sarebbe stato, a loro parere, un edificio meccanicistico privo di anima e di un vero Geist nazionale, che non si curava delle vere esigenze del popolo tedesco, ma si limitava a eseguire pedissequamente i dettami di una Costituzione avvertita come estranea, schematica, senza vita. In tal modo le forme della vita politica finivano per allontanarsi indefinitamente da quelle della vita völkisch.
Dal punto di vista di una democrazia organica, invece, non doveva darsi contraddizione tra questi due aspetti, ma anzi nella politica avrebbe dovuto incarnarsi e realizzarsi lo spirito del popolo.
Appare evidente la mancanza di realismo e di obiettività di coloro che portavano avanti tesi di questo genere: nella Repubblica di Weimar, infatti, il pensiero democratico aveva fatto sì che - per la prima volta in Germania - tutti gli strati sociali potessero prendere parte al processo di Willensbildung (formazione della volontà) politica, cosa che, rispetto ai tempi del Kaiser, era senza dubbio un passo avanti, nonostante le mancanze che pure potevano essere imputate alla Repubblica stessa.
Nei suoi scritti politici, lo storico Friedrich Meinecke aveva individuato nella democratizzazione una ineludibile necessità politica; il fatto, poi, che la Repubblica di Weimar non riuscisse a diventare un Volksstaat

Il Reichstag

era dovuto, a suo parere, alle insicurezze nella gestione politica di un momento già in sé critico, per via del cambiamento di regime e della fine della guerra, poi aggravato dalle crisi economiche, e inoltre all’azione dei gruppi che da subito avevano popolarizzato una loro propria idea di Stato, screditando il fondamento democratico della Repubblica, o addirittura auspicando un ritorno all’ordine da parte di uno Stato autoritario(17) .
Il formalismo, derivante dal mancato accordo tra l’inclinazione politica del popolo e il modo effettivo di procedere dei governanti, veniva rinfacciato dagli antidemocratici con monotona regolarità agli stessi fondatori della Repubblica. In realtà, l’unico effetto di questi rimproveri fu proprio il rafforzamento di quella lontananza tra popolo e Stato contro cui essi si scagliavano.
Le idee di democrazia che circolavano all’interno di questi gruppi erano in effetti così lontane dallo spirito di quella occidentale tradizionale, che sarebbe stato forse più sensato decidere di rinunciare all’uso di questo termine. Essi non lo fecero, visto il carattere di massa, ovvero democratico in quanto "del popolo", che la politica aveva assunto, e che essi affermavano di accettare.

Una definizione di democrazia con cui i circoli di destra sarebbero probabilmente stati d’accordo era stata fornita da Moeller van den Bruck che, nel Drittes Reich, ne parla come "partecipazione del popolo al proprio destino" ("Anteilnahme des Volkes an seinem Schicksal") (18) . Una definizione, peraltro così vaga, di democrazia, non aveva ovviamente più niente a che fare con un ordinamento statale preciso, ma rappresentava

Moeller Van Den Bruck

una sorta di condizione organica in cui Stato e popolo si fondevano in unità. Come in concreto, poi, il popolo dovesse prendere parte al proprio destino, attraverso quali strutture e quali effettive azioni politiche, non veniva spiegato, poiché ciò avrebbe significato una ricaduta nell’odiato formalismo.
Molti cercavano di dar forza alle loro idee richiamandosi a dei legami pseudostorici col passato. In numerose ricerche sulla concezione germanica dello Stato si affermava, ad esempio, che la Germania sarebbe stata, fino al Medioevo, una vera democrazia, intesa come un insieme di dominio del re e libertà del popolo: solo nell’idea di comunità, fondata sul principio germanico di Führer e Gefolgschaft, si sarebbe dunque potuta ritrovare la vera democrazia. Questa forma originaria andava ora applicata alla situazione presente, ovviamente con i necessari adattamenti.
I concetti di democrazia e parlamentarismo, perciò, non avevano niente a che fare l’uno con l’altro: anzi, l’idea di una democrazia parlamentare era per questi gruppi un vero e proprio controsenso.

Dato che il movimento liberaldemocratico, poi, aveva fatto dell’individuo, e non del popolo, la base e il soggetto principale della politica, c’era una grande diffidenza verso lo strumento principale attraverso il quale l’individuo veniva messo in grado di esprimere la sua volontà politica, cioè il diritto al voto. La vera volontà del popolo non si sarebbe mai espressa, a parer loro, in questa maniera così "frazionaria", ma sempre in maniera univoca: il pluralismo non era neanche concepibile, e il nuovo Stato avrebbe dovuto impedire la stessa possibilità di espressione della volontà politica individuale.
D’altronde, la sfiducia nella mediazione parlamentare non era certamente un dato nuovo nella storia del pensiero europeo, anche se non necessariamente in connessione con concezioni del tipo fin qui descritto: si pensi a Rousseau e al principio della volonté generale come legge suprema, il rispetto del quale può essere però assicurato solo da una democrazia diretta, e non da una democrazia rappresentativa, che non garantisce di essere espressione fedele di tale volontà.

Quale democrazia?

Come si vede, dunque, non c’era una maniera univoca di definire l’idea di democrazia ma, al di là delle differenti sfumature, si trattava comunque, da parte delle destre, di un concetto anti-liberale e anti-parlamentare. Friedrich Georg Jünger aveva scritto chiaramente:

"Cos’è, infine, democratico? E’ ciò che il popolo vuole (…). Il volere del popolo è decisivo (…). Nessuna costituzione può osare opporvisi, nessun parlamento può sbarrargli la strada, nessun partito o associazione partitica può porgli un limite" (19) .

Dato che questo concetto antiliberale di democrazia non aveva, in concreto, alcun contenuto specifico, esso poteva dunque coprire ogni sorta di costruzione antiliberale: lo Ständestaat (ovvero ordinato per ceti, per stati), lo Stato autoritario, lo Stato totale, il Führerstaat, dove naturalmente, nonostante le differenze, i confini tra queste forme sono molto fluidi (20) .
Nel complesso, però, possono essere individuate alcune direttrici fondamentali di pensiero a cui un po’ tutti i teorici dello Stato antiliberale si rifacevano.
Questi elementi portanti sono fondamentalmente due, ovvero da una parte il concetto della potenza nazionale, dall’altra l’idea di una Volksgemeinschaft. Il primo si esprimeva poi soprattutto nella volontà di avere uno Stato forte, che avesse il controllo anche sugli aspetti economici della vita associata, in modo tale da superare l’antinomia società-Stato a favore di quest’ultimo.
La seconda componente del pensiero politico antiliberale, ovvero l’idea di Stato come incarnazione, "forma esterna" della Volksgemeinschaft, veniva determinata dalla convinzione dell’"originarietà", e quindi organicità, della comunità di popolo, e dal bisogno di unità politica.
Come doveva essere mediata la volontà popolare, però, in una tale struttura politica che, nonostante le proclamazioni di principio, mostrava evidenti tendenze autoritarie, e per forza di cose non era in grado di ammettere una eventuale democrazia diretta? La risposta venne fornita da Carl Schmitt, quando introdusse il principio dell’acclamazione, del plebiscito; altri fecero sbrigativamente della volontà popolare la volontà del Führer; altri ancora, poi, volevano vedere l’autorità politica affidata esclusivamente a una classe superiore che fungesse da guida dello Stato.
Il concetto antiliberale di democrazia si basava su un’idea di unità popolare per cui, attraverso l’unità di governanti e governati (C. Schmitt), il popolo doveva tornare a diventare il soggetto politico portante. Le istanze mediatrici, ovvero, in forza del principio rappresentativo, partiti e parlamento, perdevano la loro ragion d’essere, in quanto erano semplicemente superflui(21) .
La dottrina che anteponeva nettamente il principio politico plebiscitario a quello rappresentativo, festeggiato da alcuni come il trionfo di un’autentica democrazia su quella solo apparente del liberalismo, poneva sì il popolo come soggetto politico principale ed unitario, ma rinunciava del tutto all’idea di cittadino (Staatsbürger). I membri di questa democrazia di tipo nuovo non avevano alcun diritto politico: essi si sarebbero dovuti limitare a servire la patria e a riconoscere i propri doveri nei confronti della comunità. La concessione di tali diritti avrebbe infatti significato un ritorno all’odiato liberalismo.
Era certamente vero che il sistema parlamentare di Weimar non garantiva quell’identità tra popolo e Stato fornita solo da una democrazia diretta, e che buona parte del popolo tedesco non si sentiva davvero rappresentata dal parlamento, ma affermare che il popolo avrebbe davvero dominato solo quando i suoi cittadini avessero rinunciato ai loro diritti e alle loro libertà, affidando tutti i poteri a un Führer di superiori capacità, significava semplicemente non voler considerare in modo serio l’idea di democrazia. La conclusione logica a cui si arrivava, infatti, era praticamente che tra democrazia e dittatura non ci fossero differenze o contraddizioni di alcun tipo. Le premesse teoriche di quella che diventò realtà nel 1933 erano dunque state poste già nel corso degli anni Venti.
L’identificazione dei due concetti divenne anzi possibile proprio perché si erano così fortemente staccate le idee di democrazia e liberalismo.
Al contrario dei Rivoluzionari conservatori, i gruppi völkisch non si erano appropriati dell’idea di democrazia: lo stesso Nazionalsocialismo non si era mai definito come un movimento "democratico".
D’altra parte, solo sullo sfondo di un pensiero antidemocratico si spiega l’uso del termine ’sistema’ con una connotazione fortemente negativa ad indicare l’assetto statale di Weimar: questo concetto servì in effetti ad indicare non solo la struttura dell’ordinamento istituzionale, ma anche l’intero contesto del gioco di forze politiche, cioè il poco efficiente parlamentarismo, la supremazia irresponsabile dei partiti, la debolezza dei governi, la corruzione devastante, il pacifismo come tradimento verso la patria: l’idea di sistema, dunque, perdeva ogni connotazione neutrale, per andare a indicare invece un organismo malato alle radici, che per questo andava smantellato quanto prima.

Quali erano, in realtà, i motivi di una tale ostilità verso la democrazia di Weimar?

Se, per quanto riguarda la borghesia deutschnational, si può chiamare in causa la perdita dei privilegi tradizionali, anche perché il potere era ora nelle mani dei partiti un tempo d’opposizione, questa spiegazione non regge per i giovani intellettuali che avevano praticamente dichiarato guerra alla Repubblica: essi combattevano infatti non per recuperare dei benefici perduti, ma per far nascere un mondo nuovo, determinato da valori superiori e assoluti. Proprio questa mancanza di valori assoluti che essi avvertivano nell’ordine vigente era una delle cause essenziali dell’insoddisfazione delle giovani generazioni, e della loro conseguente reazione. Come si sarebbe potuto pretendere, infatti, un chiaro indirizzo politico e una chiara scala di valori da un sistema in cui convivevano tante diverse, talora radicalmente, Weltanschauungen? La battaglia degli opposti interessi, che finiva inevitabilmente col nuocere allo Stato, era anzi sancita dal meccanismo parlamentare, e rendeva le decisioni politiche sempre deboli e incerte, senza soddisfare nessuno. Al massimo, infatti, ci si accontentava di compromessi, o addirittura si rimaneva incapaci di prendere qualunque iniziativa.
Accanto alle critiche di quanti attaccavano la Repubblica perché sognavano l’avvento di uno Stato forte, che mettesse fine ai particolarismi paralizzanti, bisogna però ricordare che anche i teorici del pensiero liberaldemocratico contribuirono, sebbene involontariamente, a indebolire la Repubblica, specie quando affermarono che essa era una forma statale relativistica (22) .
Tra i maggiori esponenti di questa tendenza fu Hans Kelsen, ordinario di diritto pubblico, secondo il quale il relativismo è:

"la Weltanschauung che il pensiero democratico presuppone. La democrazia valuta come di ugual valore la volontà politica di ognuno, come anche presta attenzione nella stessa misura a ogni credo politico, a ogni opinione politica, la cui espressione è volontà politica"(23) .

Questa concezione relativistica, dunque, negava l’esistenza di norme assolute e vincolanti per la democrazia; il suo vantaggio, la sua ragion d’essere, consisteva nel fatto che essa poteva contribuire a stemperare la radicalità della battaglia politica, combattuta su posizioni in molti casi estremistiche, in un ambiente così fortemente politicizzato come quello di Weimar. D’altra parte, però, se era giusto negare lo status di "perfezione" a una sola delle concezioni che si fronteggiavano, era sbagliato e pericoloso considerare la repubblica parlamentare come un ordinamento privo di qualsiasi valore assoluto. Questo valore assoluto, che caratterizza ogni democrazia liberale moderna d’impronta occidentale, è la libertà, incarnata nei diritti fondamentali: quando un partito non condivide questo assunto di base, esso è fuori del sistema democratico.
L’adozione di una concezione relativistica finì perciò inevitabilmente per favorire gli oppositori della Repubblica, perché li pose sullo stesso piano dei suoi difensori, e non rese capaci di prendere provvedimenti decisivi contro di loro.
D’altronde, neanche i redattori della Costituzione avevano considerato la possibilità di una minaccia antidemocratica così acuta, incoraggiati in questo dall’ottimistico pensiero liberale di matrice illuministica, che sapeva ancora poco delle potenzialità delle tendenze irrazionalistiche.

Lo Stato weimariano, in effetti, non fu abbastanza sicuro dei suoi principi fondamentali e non seppe difenderli con sufficiente forza. Essi erano sanciti da una Costituzione contro cui si scagliò una pubblicistica agguerrita.
Uno dei punti principali di questa critica consisteva nella convinzione che essa bloccasse, "incatenasse" il flusso della vita, irrigidendola e snaturandola: questa Costituzione voleva dire stasi, fissità, mentre quella che le si sarebbe sostituita sarebbe stata movimento e divenire, secondo i dettami della Lebensphilosophie(24) . Le costituzioni, inoltre, come Spengler aveva affermato nell’Untergang des Abendlandes, erano solo teorie, mentre a determinare il corso della storia erano le azioni di pochi uomini dalle capacità eccezionali (25) .
Un altro topos della letteratura antidemocratica indicava la costituzione di Weimar come un corpo estraneo, undeutsch, prodotto dallo spirito razionalistico e meccanicistico proprio della Francia, che niente aveva a che fare con quello tedesco. In effetti, la mancanza di una tradizione liberale in Germania, per cui la Repubblica di Weimar appariva come una vera e propria rottura storica, toglieva agli occhi dei critici di destra ogni autorità alla Costituzione.
Era tuttavia indiscutibile che la maggioranza dei cittadini si fosse espressa, nel 1919, a favore dei partiti democratici (malgrado su questo avesse pesato la paura della borghesia di una possibile rivoluzione di tipo sovietico, e quindi il voto non fosse stato dato per convinzione, ma piuttosto per evitare il peggio, almeno in alcuni casi).
Gli oppositori della Costituzione cantarono vittoria quando divenne evidente che essa non funzionava così bene come i suoi redattori si sarebbero aspettati, visto che era solo parzialmente in grado di mantenere l’ordine statale. Ciò dimostrava per loro la totale inadeguatezza di una costituzione liberaldemocratica, per lo meno in Germania. Al contrario di parte della critica di sinistra, infatti, le loro obiezioni non erano "immanenti" al sistema, proponendo delle riforme pur lasciando intatti i principi fondamentali, bensì ne coinvolgevano degli elementi essenziali.
Il

Karl Mannheim

pensiero antidemocratico può allora essere definito come utopistico, se per utopia intendiamo, nel senso di Karl Mannheim, il progetto di un futuro ordine statale e sociale, da sostituire alla situazione politica presente. Insomma, il lato negativo e critico del pensiero antidemocratico appare speso in funzione di un’utopia positiva dello Stato nuovo(26) .

Le sinistre

Venato di utopia era d’altronde anche il pensiero di quegli intellettuali genericamente definibili come di sinistra i quali, al pari di quelli di destra, tendevano a non riconoscersi nei partiti esistentiedelaboravanoleloroteorie al di fuori dellestrutture, avvertitespessocome dellestrettoie, del pensieroliberale(27).Questogruppo era, rispetto agli antidemocratici prima presi in considerazione, molto più influenzato dal pensiero razionalista di derivazione francese e illuministica: il rispetto delle libertà fondamentali, il pacifismo, il cosmopolitismo, la tolleranza erano tutte idee che permeavano, in maggiore o minor misura, il pensiero di sinistra.
Nonostante le matrici e le direttrici ideali comuni esistevano però grosse differenze tra questi gruppi intellettuali, così come avveniva d’altronde all’interno dello schieramento opposto, e ciò impedì loro di prendere una posizione solidamente unitaria quando le tendenze antidemocratiche e antirepubblicane iniziarono a prevalere.
Senza voler esaminare il pensiero di sinistra nelle sue varie sfumature, bisogna almeno ricordarne due elementi importanti che lo contraddistinsero e, in parte, lo indebolirono: innanzitutto la presenza al suo interno di forti elementi di critica alle istituzioni e al sistema weimariano, che non ne facevano una forza pienamente democratica, nel senso almeno della difesa del regime liberale; in secondo luogo la costante sottovalutazione della forza d’urto, della capacità di attrazione sulle masse del pensiero antidemocratico. Gli intellettuali di destra venivano in genere giudicati come una sorta di "barbari" della cultura, le cui idee erano talmente assurde che dimostrarne la falsità sarebbe stato perfino troppo semplice: era inutile perder tempo ad occuparsi di tendenze che si sarebbero autodistrutte per le loro stesse scarse solidità e validità.

Le destre

Da parte loro, comunque, le destre non erano meno agguerrite contro i loro avversari: esse tacciavano infatti le sinistre di bolscevismo intellettuale, imputando loro la decadenza della cultura e dei costumi tedeschi (28) . Questa decadenza si manifestava a loro vedere nell’allentamento dei legami famigliari causato dalla diffusione di una cultura materialistica in senso lato, che tendeva a quantificare tutto in una dimensione "monetaria" anziché a dare risalto ai veri valori, nella perdita dell’etica del lavoro a vantaggio del culto del denaro e del profitto, nella degenerazione dei costumi, divenuti troppo tolleranti e poco rispettosi del passato, incapaci di fornire degli esempi di vita validi alle giovani generazioni, incuranti di qualsiasi gerarchia di valore.
La cultura di matrice franco-illuministica, poi, era tanto più avversata quanto più poteva facilmente essere associata con la sconfitta e l’umiliazione in guerra: il mito della "pugnalata alla schiena" prendeva le mosse proprio da una presunta connivenza tra la sinistra tedesca e la Francia, in nome dei valori comuni di cui erano portatrici.
Un’analisi tanto negativa della situazione presente finì per riportare in auge, in diversi settori dell’intellighenzia di destra, il cosiddetto Kulturpessimismus (29) , che ravvisava in ogni manifestazione culturale i segni della decadenza e della perdita di tutti i valori autenticamente tedeschi: il frequente ricorrere all’antitesi Kultur - Zivilisation prova quanto l’influenza dei paesi occidentali fosse sentita come rovinosa per la Germania (30) . Le tendenze moderne erano per loro in netta antitesi con la Innerlichkeit tedesca, con la rettitudine, con la crescita organica: il modernismo era il malessere dello spirito, la perdita dell’equilibrio e della Geselligkeit, l’alienazione, in pratica la disumanizzazione dell’individuo (31) .
In tale ottica, sia il capitalismo, ovvero l’espressione massima dell’egoismo e dell’individualismo, che la massificazione imperante della cultura erano elementi altamente negativi nella vita spirituale del tempo. Non dimentichiamo che gran parte di questi teorici, malgrado tuonassero per il ripristino di una vera Gemeinschaft popolare distrutta dallo spirito fazioso e partitico del sistema liberale, erano poi fautori di uno Stato forte, guidato da una élite spirituale, una sorta di aristocrazia dello spirito con cui il popolo si sarebbe dovuto identificare totalmente.
A detta della destra, il primo passo verso la guarigione doveva essere l’eliminazione delle influenze estranee, cioè straniere, che predominavano nell’arte e nella cultura: bisognava riportare il pubblico al suo autentico retaggio culturale, lontano dal trambusto delle metropoli, dai suoi caffè letterari, dalla sua vita frenetica, per tornare alle tradizioni sane, all’idealismo, ai quei valori che venivano corrotti dal Kulturbolschewismus (32) .
La tolleranza e il clima di relativa spensieratezza con cui è passata alla storia la Berlino dei dorati anni Venti era, comunque, l’altra faccia di una società per tanti versi in crisi e incapace di darsi dei punti fermi. La diffusione dei cabaret, degli spettacoli e delle riviste di ogni genere fu così da una parte un polo di fortissima attrazione per gli intellettuali anche stranieri, ma dall’altra fatta oggetto di critiche feroci dai conservatori, come esempi di decadenza e di degenerazione, conseguenza di una tolleranza eccessiva e scandalosa da parte delle autorità (33) .



Note


NB: per le opere ’già citate’ si vedano le note bibliografiche in calce alla prima parte dello studio (qui)

1 Su Moeller van den Bruck, cfr. K. Sontheimer, op. cit., p.237 ss.; J. Herf, op. cit., pp.68-69; W. Laqueur, op. cit., p.122 ss.; Denis Goeldel, "’Revolution’, ’Sozialismus’ und ’Demokratie’: Bedeutungswandel dreier Grundbegriffe am Beispiel von Moeller van den Bruck", in Intellektuellendiskurse…, cit., p.37 ss.
2 Su Spengler, cfr. J. Herf, op. cit., p.89 ss.; K. Sontheimer, op. cit., p.174 ss.; W. Laqueur, op. cit., p.118 ss.
3 Su Schmitt, cfr. W. Laqueur, op. cit., p.127 ss.; K. Sontheimer, op. cit., p.78 ss.; J. Herf, op. cit., p.172 ss.; W. Eßbach, "Radikalismus und Modernität…", cit., p. 145 ss.; C. Galli, Genealogia della politica. Carl Schmitt e la crisi del pensiero politico moderno, Bologna, Il Mulino, 1996
4 "Der Liberalismus hat Kulturen untergraben. Er hat Religionen vernichtet. Er hat Vaterländer zerstört. Er war die Selbstauflösung der Menschheit", Moeller van den Bruck, Das Dritte Reich, cit. in K. Sontheimer, op. cit., p. 143
5 Cfr. W. Laqueur, op. cit., p.103 ss.; K. Sontheimer, op. cit., p.143 ss.
6 Cfr. Kurt Sontheimer, "Der Tatkreis", Vierteljahrshefte für Zeitgeschichte, 7, n. 3, luglio 1959, pp.229-260
7 Moeller van den Bruck, Das Dritte Reich, Berlin 1923
8 "Sie entliberalisiert die Geister, sie entliberalisiert die Verfassung, sie entliberalisiert schließlich die Parteien, langsam aber sicher selbst diejenigen, die von dem Liberalismus herkommen", Hans Liermann, Partei und Bund, D. Blätter für Philosophie, cit. in K. Sontheimer, Antidemokratisches…, cit., p.145
9 Cfr. G. Corni, op. cit., p.173; K. Sontheimer, Antidemokratisches…, cit., p.149
10 Cfr. K. Sontheimer, Antidemokratisches…, cit., p.152
11 Cfr. G. Corni, op. cit., p.164 ss.
12 Cfr. K. Sontheimer, Antidemokratisches…, cit., p.157 ss.
13 Cfr. H. Zehrer, "Das Ende der Parteien", Die Tat, 24, p.68 ss.
14 Sorta prima della Grande Guerra, la Jugendbewegung esaltava il gruppo, anziché l’individuo, e si opponeva all’intellettualismo anemico di una civiltà che stava per soffocare nel materialismo. Essa fu la più importante tra i vari gruppi che punteggiarono la storia della Repubblica di Weimar. Questi gruppi, organizzati secondo una gerarchia molto rigida e con criteri quasi militari, ritenevano tutti che la guerra fosse stata inevitabile e che Versailles andasse considerata come una specie di sciagura nazionale; erano inoltre antiliberali, antiparlamentari, antidemocratici e, più o meno marcatamente, antisemiti. Ripudiavano il concetto di lotta di classe e invocavano l’intervento di un uomo forte a ristabilire l’ordine.
15 Cfr. K. Sontheimer, Antidemokratisches…, cit., p.163
16 Cfr. H. Zehrer, "Das Ende der Parteien", cit., p.68 ss.
17 Cfr. Friedrich Meinecke, Nach der Revolution, cit. in K. Sontheimer, Antidemokratisches…, cit., p.167
18 Cfr. K. Sontheimer, op. cit., p.168
19 "Was ist überhaupt demokratisch? Das, was das Volk will.(…)Der Wille des Volkes ist entscheidend (…). Keine Verfassung darf es wagen, ihm Widerstand zu leisten, kein Parlament darf ihm den Weg treten, keine Partei und keine Verbindung von Parteien darf ihm eine Schrank setzen", F.G. Jünger, Das Gesicht der Demokratie, cit. in K. Sontheimer, op. cit., p.171
20 Cfr. K. Sontheimer, op. cit., p.199 ss.
21 Cfr. J. Herf, op. cit., p.172 ss.
22 Cfr. C. Jansen, op. cit., p.63 ss.
23 "Die Weltanschauung, die der demokratische Gedanke voraussetzt. Demokratie schätzt den politischen Willen jedermanns gleich ein, wie sie auch jeden politischen Glauben, jede politische Meinung, deren Ausdruck ja nur der politische Wille ist, gleichermaßen achtet.", Hans Kelsen, Vom Wesen und Wert der Demokratie, cit. in K. Sontheimer, op. cit., p. 181
24 Cfr. J. Herf, op. cit., p.57
25 Cfr., tra l’altro, J. Herf, op. cit., p.29 ss.
26 Cfr. K. Sontheimer, op. cit., p.191
27 Sugli intellettuali di sinistra, oltre a W. Laqueur, op. cit., p.59 ss., cfr. Dieter Mayer, op. cit.
28 Cfr. W. Laqueur, op. cit., p.60, p.108 ss.
29 Cfr. L. Dupeux, "’Kulturpessimismus’, Konservative Revolution und Modernität", cit., p.287 ss.
30 L’antitesi Kultur-Zivilisation viene esaminata da J. Herf, op. cit., p.77 ss.
31 Cfr. W. Laqueur, op. cit., pp.109-111
32 Cfr. W. Laqueur, op. cit., p.112
33 Cfr. W. Laqueur, op. cit., p.277 ss.

Messaggi

  • Gentile dottoressa Sciarra,
    premesso che il Suo studio è di impressionante attualità e di alto livello scientifico, non si offenda se mi permetto di domandarLe (niente più che domandarLe, s’intende, per pura curiosità) se ha avuto occasione di incontrare, come lettura, un libro di Antonio Faeti pubblicato alcuni anni fa - credo per la precisione nel ’96 - nei Saggi Bompiani, dal titolo "Marion a Weimar. L’immaginario nell’età del sospetto". Il fatto è che il libro di Faeti, che mi pare di ricordare sia docente di storia della letteratura per l’infanzia a Bologna, era un pamphlet antiberlusconiano durissimo, scritto ai tempi del primo governo guidato dal leader di Forza Italia, e si sviluppava interamente in base a una serie di confronti, tutt’altro che improvvisati, tra la temperie culturale della Repubblica di Weimar e il nostro increscioso presente. Anzi, a dirla tutta sacrifico la densità e la sottigliezza del libro di Faeti definendolo "pamphlet", perché - malgrado l’urgenza dell’indignazione - possiede l’eclettismo di uno sguardo antropologico e insieme dimostra l’orecchio fino di chi sa decostruire i fenomeni culturali anche a distanza ravvicinatissima. Il Suo naturalmente è un saggio storico, e ne ha tutto il rigore, dunque anche nel caso Lei conosca il libro di Faeti non avrebbe avuto motivo alcuno di citarlo, ma io come lettore di Sguardomobile ho pensato che chi ha trovato da brividi la Sua ricostruzione di quel clima, potrebbe anche essere incuriosito a proseguire l’indagine. Per questo, attraverso Lei e il Suo meritorio intervento, di cui attendo la terza parte con curiosità, mi permetto di segnalare quel libro, a mio parere di notevole interesse.

    Con viva stima

    Luigi Weber

    • Grazie per il commento, e soprattutto per la segnalazione del libro di Faeti, che non conoscevo, ma che cercherò di leggere quanto prima. Da una parte mi fa piacere, e dall’altra mi inquieta, che a quella che avevo considerato solo una mia sensazione possano essere date delle basi più solide.
      Grazie ancora, dunque, per l’indicazione,
      Elena

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