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Weimar #3. La tecnica e il modernismo reazionario

martedì 14 ottobre 2003, di Elena Sciarra

La terza e ultima parte dello studio di Elena Sciarra (qui la prima e qui la seconda) sulla Repubblica di Weimar, concentrata sul complesso rapporto con i produttori ’materiali’ di cultura, i tecnici, gli ingegneri.
"L’entusiasmo per la tecnologia ha certamente a che fare con l’esperienza della Grande Guerra, in cui l’uomo e la macchina si erano per cos?¨ dire fusi per uno scopo comune, e in cui la distruzione di massa si era trasformata in una quasi religiosa redenzione, grazie alla figura del soldato che si ergeva purificato dall’inferno delle trincee."
In ultima istanza questo "fu un periodo di crisi estremamente profonda, a cui gli intellettuali reagirono nei modi pi?? diversi, scegliendo di volta in volta la strada del disimpegno o quella della militanza politica, aderendo ad un pensiero di tipo progressista e cosmopolita, ma che poteva rischiare di risultare sterile e astratto, oppure a delle idee reazionarie e violente, ispirate dalla guerra e dai miti che essa aveva contribuito a creare. Sar?† questa tendenza a rivelarsi vincente, e nel 1933 tutta la ricchezza culturale che aveva caratterizzato la Repubblica di Weimar inizier?† ad essere estirpata alle radici."

Il modernismo reazionario

Un aspetto molto importante della cultura di Weimar, che costituì tra l’altro un problema sentito in maniera estremamente forte e da cui non si può certamente prescindere, è quello della tecnica, cioè in altre parole di coloro che erano produttori di cultura non solo in senso "teorico", ovvero attraverso scritti o opere d’arte che non avevano alcuna immediata finalità pratica, ma anche in senso "concreto", "materiale". E’ questo il caso di architetti e ingegneri i quali, pur non direttamente coinvolti nelle dispute intellettuali del periodo, assunsero spesso al riguardo delle posizioni di estrema importanza. Lo studioso Jeffrey Herf ha anzi coniato la definizione di "modernismo reazionario" per caratterizzare l’atteggiamento di un vasto settore della destra

Jeffrey Herf

intellettuale e degli ingegneri stessi nei confronti della tecnica . (1) Esaminare questa tendenza getta senz’altro una luce nuova sull’atteggiamento, che potrebbe apparire contraddittorio, degli intellettuali di destra che, pur scagliandosi violentemente contro alcuni aspetti della modernità, accettavano poi molto spesso la tecnica, facendone anzi una parte importante delle loro teorie. Fondamentalmente, essi riuscirono a conciliare queste posizioni apparentemente del tutto opposte svincolando il concetto di progresso tecnico o tecnologico da un tipo di cultura razionalistico-illuministico, per connetterlo invece all’idea tutta tedesca di Kultur.
Questo atteggiamento, per alcuni versi paradossale, si determinò generalmente dopo la Prima Guerra Mondiale, quando per la prima volta la tecnica venne vista realmente in connessione e a servizio della Volksgemeinschaft, assumendo dunque una funzione ben più nobile che non il raggiungimento del profitto economico. Il progresso tecnico, insomma, si giustificava nella misura in cui contribuiva alla crescita e al rafforzamento della nazione.
Molti degli esponenti del modernismo reazionario erano fautori di quel socialismo nazionale indicato come terza via specificamente tedesca - il famoso Sonderweg - da contrapporre sia al capitalismo occidentale che al comunismo di stampo sovietico, sistemi che, pur diversi, erano entrambi figli della cultura razionalistica.
Benché possa apparire contraddittorio, questi intellettuali tendevano a vedere nell’opera degli esponenti della cultura tecnica l’ultima incarnazione di quell’etica del lavoro, di quell’impulso creatore, quasi faustiano, che era messo in pericolo e anzi tendeva a perdersi nella società liberale di Weimar, tanto presa dalla sete di ricchezze e di profitto da essere incapace di riconoscere il valore intrinseco del lavoro dei tecnici. (2)
Qualche osservatore della società e della cultura, tuttavia, aveva colto già allora il paradosso di un rifiuto della ragione unito all’accettazione della tecnologia. Uno dei primi fu Walter Benjamin, secondo il quale l’attrazione di molti intellettuali verso queste ideologie dipendeva in parte dalla speranza che esse potessero risolvere la crisi culturale in atto, grazie alla liberazione delle energie

Walter Benjamin in una
foto dell’Hannah
Arendt Trust

della tecnica dai vincoli politici e sociali di Weimar, permettendo così la rinascita dell’anima tedesca (3) . Con l’aver compreso che la rivolta tedesca contro l’Illuminismo aveva accettato il progresso tecnologico, Benjamin aveva anche reso manifesto che la modernizzazione tecnica e industriale non implicava necessariamente anche una modernizzazione in un più ampio significato politico, sociale e culturale.
L’entusiasmo per la tecnologia ha certamente a che fare con l’esperienza della Grande Guerra, in cui l’uomo e la macchina si erano per così dire fusi per uno scopo comune, e in cui la distruzione di massa si era trasformata in una quasi religiosa redenzione, grazie alla figura del soldato che si ergeva purificato dall’inferno delle trincee.
Ovviamente, trasformare in tal modo la guerra in oggetto di considerazioni estetiche, esaltare la violenza inferta attraverso la macchina come fine a se stessa - è il caso di Ernst Jünger (4) - poneva in ombra gli interessi e gli scopi politici e sociali, ovvero le motivazioni razionali, che ne erano realmente all’origine.
La Lebensphilosophie (5) diventava così il parametro adottato per interpretare anche gli avvenimenti storici: la violenza dei campi di battaglia era espressione, traduzione in atto, di un impulso interiore verso la Vita, manifestazione di una forza profonda e misteriosa, di una Ding an sich, cioè di una cosa in sé, che non poteva e non doveva essere spiegata attraverso analisi politiche, economiche o sociali.
Che ruolo assumeva, dunque, in questo contesto decisamente irrazionale, la tecnica? Poteva essere data una giustificazione convincente della sua esistenza?
Per capire come essa venisse integrata nel corpus di queste ideologie apparentemente incompatibili con l’idea di progresso scientifico, occorre fare un passo indietro.

L’antitesi di fondo che muoveva il pensiero del nuovo nazionalismo era quella tra Kultur e Zivilisation (6) : la Kultur, intesa come tutto l’insieme dei valori e delle credenze del Volk, era radicata nel popolo, inteso come comunità di sangue, di razza e di tradizioni culturali. Essa si contrapponeva alla Zivilisation cosmopolita, priva d’anima, esteriore, artificiale, che si incarnava nel liberalismo, nel grande capitalismo, nel materialismo, nel parlamentarismo, nei partiti politici. In breve, la Repubblica di Weimar era divenuta il regno della Zivilisation, e quindi della Entseelung: Berlino, la metropoli per antonomasia, era dominata dagli intellettuali di sinistra, dalla pornografia, dal consumo di massa, dalla speculazione, specie degli ebrei, che aveva indebolito le piccole imprese tedesche. Il nazionalismo, allora, assurgeva a religione secolare, prospettando un’alternativa all’azione disgregatrice del capitalismo e del liberalismo occidentali da una parte, e del socialismo marxista dall’altra, attraverso il recupero e la valorizzazione di quanto era più autenticamente tedesco. Di fronte al distruttivo eccesso di razionalizzazione capitalista e socialista solo la Germania, la Kulturnation, poteva offrire un’alternativa valida.
Includere la tecnica e il progresso tecnologico, in quanto frutti della razionalità illuministica, negli aspetti condannati della modernità sarebbe stato abbastanza logico.
Alcuni dei Rivoluzionari conservatori, in effetti, furono ostili alla tecnica, conformemente alla loro critica antimodernista: il progresso tecnologico, l’avanzare del capitalismo, l’alienazione crescente, la degenerazione dei costumi, la perdita dei valori erano tutti fattori collegati tra loro a spiegare la decadenza del presente. La maggioranza, però, ovvero quelli che Herf definisce "modernisti reazionari", tendeva piuttosto ad includere la tecnica nel regno della Kultur, influenzata in maniera determinante dall’esperienza bellica e dalla convinzione della necessità di uno Stato forte per realizzare una vera Volksgemeinschaft, che non si sarebbe mai potuto ottenere in una situazione di arretratezza tecnologica.

Gli ingegneri

Questo stesso atteggiamento, ovvero il tentativo di inglobare la tecnica entro la sfera della Kultur, lo ritroviamo anche presso molti di coloro che dello sviluppo tecnologico erano più direttamente responsabili, cioè gli ingegneri (7) .
Per la verità, alcuni esponenti del mondo della tecnica, come gli architetti e gli artisti del Bauhaus, erano favorevoli ad una sintesi di Kultur, cioè di tradizioni nazionali, e Technik, che invece presupponeva una notevole apertura agli sviluppi internazionali, in modo tale da avere uno sviluppo armonioso della tecnica entro un contesto liberale e socialdemocratico (8) . Questo atteggiamento cosmopolita era però un’eccezione. La norma era invece una sintesi tra tecnica e cultura in senso nazionalista, secondo una tendenza iniziata già prima della Grande Guerra.
In effetti, non ci fu mai alcuna ribellione degli ingegneri all’ideologia e poi alla prassi nazista. Il loro atteggiamento però non si limitò ad essere genericamente "imparziale" e apolitico, ma evidenziò diversi punti in comune con le ideologie di destra, come un anticapitalismo piuttosto diffuso, che il nazionalsocialismo avrebbe saputo sfruttare efficacemente.
Quando si parla di integrazione della tecnica nella cultura nazionale tedesca, bisogna tener presente che in Germania avevano sempre avuto un ruolo importante le tendenze antiindustriali, retaggio del Romanticismo. In genere, insomma, la legittimazione della tecnica avveniva in un contesto ben lontano dalla razionalità illuministica. In ciò, inoltre, si riflettevano alcune caratteristiche fondamentali della storia recente della Germania, cioè un rapido e intenso sviluppo industriale promosso dallo Stato e la connessa mancanza di una tradizione economica e politica liberale. Come i letterati, anche gli ingegneri volevano dimostrare che il progresso tecnologico era compatibile con la rivolta antipositivistica del nazionalismo tedesco.
Al cosiddetto anticapitalismo dei tecnici possono essere ascritte alcune idee base, condivise da larga parte degli ingegneri: innanzitutto, la convinzione che la tecnica fosse parte integrante della Kultur tedesca, e non derivasse dal materialismo della Zivilisation occidentale; in secondo luogo, la certezza che la crisi economica, politica e culturale della società tedesca non dipendesse dalla macchina, dall’industrializzazione in se stessa, ma dall’abuso che ne facevano gli interessi capitalistici privati, lasciati agire senza controllo dallo Stato che solo, invece, avrebbe potuto e dovuto proteggere gli interessi dell’intera comunità nazionale.
Ovviamente, gli ingegneri si attribuivano un ruolo importante nel futuro processo di sviluppo tecnologico della Germania, da attuarsi sotto l’ala protettrice dello Stato. Essi erano organizzati in due associazioni nazionali, che ricoprirono un ruolo particolarmente importante ai fini del nostro discorso. La prima, il Verein Deutscher Ingenieure (VDI), fondata nel 1859, comprendeva anche tecnici privi di formazione universitaria, mentre l’altra, il Verband Deutscher Diplom-Ingenieure (VDDI), fondata nel 1909, rappresentava l’élite della professione, essendo composta solo di professori e laureati nei politecnici (9) .
Attraverso le loro riviste, le due associazioni tentavano di accrescere l’influenza politica degli ingegneri, portando avanti due idee fondamentali: innanzitutto, attraverso il concetto di technische Gemeinschaftsarbeit (lavoro tecnico comunitario), l’accento veniva posto sull’unità di interessi tra gli ingegneri e i loro subordinati; in secondo luogo, si richiedeva un intervento attivo dello Stato nell’economia e nella promozione del progresso tecnico. Tutto ciò avrebbe prodotto, oltre a un aumentato benessere, l’annullamento automatico dei conflitti di classe, dato che tutti avrebbero lavorato armoniosamente verso un unico scopo, ovvero il miglioramento delle condizioni di tutta la comunità nazionale.
Ciò che poi appare una particolarità tutta tedesca è il tentativo, specie da parte della VDDI, di elaborare una sorta di filosofia della tecnica, giustificandola e legittimandola nei termini della cultura umanistica. Questo appare nettamente in contrasto con quanto accadeva negli altri paesi, dove invece le scienze sociali lottavano per darsi una propria validità scientifica. Voler difendere il progresso tecnologico col linguaggio del positivismo e del razionalismo illuminista avrebbe però significato fare proprio e, implicitamente, accettare il pensiero materialista occidentale. Solo così si spiega l’atteggiamento atipico degli ingegneri tedeschi di fronte al progresso tecnologico.
Il dominio tecnico sulla natura abbinava la Innerlichkeit e la creatività all’ordine e all’organizzazione. La tecnica, dunque, in quanto espressione dell’interiorità dell’ingegnere, del suo superiore impulso creativo (schöpferischer Drang) a sottomettere la natura caotica, non aveva nulla a che fare con gli interessi dell’economia, che invece ne abusava a fini di profitto.
Una distinzione fondamentale era, infatti, quella tra un tipo di economia orientata al profitto ed un tipo "produttivo", orientato al lavoro specializzato e creativo.
Fu durante la Grande Guerra che alcune delle speranze degli ingegneri parvero realizzarsi, in quanto essa rese evidente, con la mobilitazione totale dell’industria e le commesse statali, l’interdipendenza tra la tecnica e le politica in un moderno Stato-nazione.
La cooperazione tra Stato, mondo degli affari e del lavoro e tecnologia creò un modello che gli ingegneri, e certamente non solo loro, avrebbero cercato di istituzionalizzare in via permanente: come Jünger aveva visto la comunità virile delle trincee come prefigurazione del futuro, così molti ingegneri videro nella mobilitazione bellica un’anticipazione di quello stato illiberale e corporativo che li avrebbe attratti negli anni di Weimar. Dal loro punto di vista, chiaramente, la Repubblica era infatti dalla parte del ristagno tecnologico, poiché non faceva propri questi principi.
Il rapporto tra tecnica e politica venne ampiamente dibattuto nella rivista della VDDI, la Zeitschrift des Verbandes Deutscher Diplom-Ingenieure, che dal 1922 aveva assunto il titolo significativo di Technik und Kultur. Essa fu un importante luogo di mediazione culturale, nel contrasto tra l’ideologia del modernismo reazionario degli ingegneri e quello che

Ernst Jünger

veniva da loro considerato come una sorta di luddismo, di disfattismo culturale di sinistra, fino a divenire il centro istituzionale ed intellettuale della tradizione modernista reazionaria durante il periodo weimariano.
La miscela di pessimismo culturale e attrazione per il progresso tecnico propria dei letterati era dunque presente anche tra gli ingegneri, che in genere vedevano la Repubblica come il regno della Entseelung, caratterizzata dalla frenesia della metropoli, dalla pubblicità, dall’Amerikanismus.
Quest’ultimo, ovvero un sistema di vita basato sull’ossessione per l’economia e sul consumo di massa, poteva e doveva essere evitato dallo Stato, l’istituzione più adatta a difendere le qualità particolari del Volk tedesco, e contemporaneamente a favorire lo sviluppo tecnologico. Tutte le vie d’uscita dalla crisi culturale portavano dunque al nazionalismo.
Né il liberalismo né il marxismo, infatti, sembravano dare risposte accettabili alla crisi della cultura moderna: la terza via che poteva offrire una soluzione era appunto il nazionalismo, o meglio una forma di socialismo nazionale, che prospettava il primato della politica sui contrapposti interessi, dato che l’economia doveva essere gestita dallo Stato, e il grande rilievo dato alla tecnica, il che in pratica voleva dire l’incoraggiamento ad avere uno Stato forte: tra l’altro, ciò implicava la fine dei vincoli posti al riarmo tedesco, imposti dal trattato di Versailles e dalla sinistra weimariana.
La Germania, la Kulturnation, era l’unica a potersi dare un simile assetto statale: essa doveva questa peculiarità alla sua stessa posizione geografica, tra oriente e occidente. Applicando così la sua particolare "terza via", il Sonderweg, essa respingeva il materialismo sia degli Americani che dei Russi, che avevano finito per svuotare di senso e di significato culturale il lavoro, e risultava così essere la sola nazione moderna capace di stabilire un giusto ed armonico rapporto tra tecnica e cultura. Essa era insomma in procinto di unificare finalmente Geist e tecnica, archiviando l’epoca depravata del materialismo senz’anima.

In conclusione

Anche solo uno sguardo alla vita culturale durante la Repubblica di Weimar ne mostra in maniera inequivocabile la complessità: soprattutto per quanto riguarda argomenti in qualche modo connessi con la politica, si evidenzia una tale varietà di posizioni da risultare quasi impossibile analizzarle tutte per esteso. Ad ogni modo, ciò che appare davvero notevole sono la frequenza e la forza con cui gli oppositori del regime repubblicano si scagliarono contro lo status quo, partendo anche da posizioni politiche diversissime, ma con l’intento, loro malgrado comune, di favorire la fine dell’ordinamento democratico liberale. Questo fu un periodo di grandi e importanti cambiamenti in tutta l’Europa, e la Germania li visse in maniera particolarmente drammatica, soprattutto per via della sconfitta in guerra, della forza al suo interno delle correnti autoritarie e antiliberali, di una scarsa educazione politica delle giovani generazioni, di una sempre crescente insofferenza nei confronti della classe dirigente, giudicata incapace di gestire la crisi e di prendere decisioni valide e risolutive. Tutto questo accadeva in un periodo di grande fioritura artistica e di grande fermento culturale, in cui Berlino era diventata la capitale dell’arte e del divertimento, e la Germania era all’avanguardia in settori anche nuovi, come il cinema o il teatro.
Nel complesso ci troviamo di fronte a un periodo di crisi estremamente profonda, a cui gli intellettuali reagirono nei modi più diversi, scegliendo di volta in volta la strada del disimpegno o quella della militanza politica, aderendo ad un pensiero di tipo progressista e cosmopolita, ma che a volte rischiava di risultare piuttosto sterile e astratto, oppure a delle idee reazionarie e violente, ispirate dalla guerra e dai miti che essa aveva contribuito a creare. Sarà questa tendenza a rivelarsi vincente, e nel 1933 tutta la ricchezza culturale che aveva caratterizzato la Repubblica di Weimar inizierà ad essere estirpata alle radici.


Note
NB: per le opere ’già citate’ si vedano le note bibliografiche in calce alla prima parte dello studio (qui)

1 J. Herf, op. cit.
2 Cfr. J. Herf, op. cit., p.225
3 Cfr. J. Herf, op. cit., p.63 ss.
4 Cfr. K. Sontheimer, Antidemokratisches…, cit., p.103 ss.; J. Herf, op. cit., p.141
5 Cfr. K. Sontheimer, op. cit., p.54 ss.; D. Mayer, op. cit., p.12 ss.
6 Cfr. J. Herf, op. cit., p.71
7 Sull’ideologia degli ingegneri, cfr. J. Herf, op. cit., p.219 ss.
8 Cfr. J. Herf, op. cit., p.72
9 Cfr. J. Herf, op. cit., pp.223-224

Messaggi

  • Recuperando centripeti un po’ delle energie dialettiche che talvolta si diffondono da queste pagine, ripubblichiamo qui sotto i passaggi significativi di una conversazione che ha avuto luogo su Indymedia nelle ultime settimane, a partire da questo studio su Weimar. Ringraziamo tutti gli intervenenti per averci permesso lo scippo.

    Vedi on line : http://italy.indymedia.org/forum/vi...

    • Sabato 4 ottobre:
      A volte la storia si ripete e fa un effetto impressionante. Leggevo della situazione in Germania ai tempi della repubblica di Weimar, la crisi economica, la sfiducia nei partiti, il nuovo che avanza eccetera. Davvero sembrava di essere nell’Italia dell’inizio degli anni 90. E poi là cos’è successo? E qui da noi cosa sta accadendo? Certo, ci sono differenze contingenti molto forti, ma è da un punto di vista di psicologia delle masse che la situazione è davvero preoccupantemente simile.
      Ne stavo leggendo qui: http://www.sguardomobile.it/article.php3?id_article=62

      Marzio


      Una differenza esiste e la puoi cogliere, proprio in relazione alla psicologia delle masse. Oggi le masse sono molto meno ignoranti rispetto ad allora. Al massimo se ne potrebbe cavare una democrazia di tipo presidenziale. Berlusconi non ha il carisma del dittatore. Diciamo che gli attacchi alla democrazia ci sono stati per salvargli il culo. Non è bello né encomiabile e, come cittadini, lascia certamente l’amaro in bocca, ma quantomeno può rassicurarci su involuzioni di tipo autoritario. La sinistra dovrebbe trovare il bandolo della matassa e vincere le elezioni. Questo è il nodo cruciale, il resto sono soltanto chiacchiere. I numeri ci sono, occorre solo trovare l’unione.

      Claudio Maffei


      Domenica 5 ottobre

      E’ stata la crisi del 29 a compromettere gli equilibri di Weimar e a portare quella costituzione alla fine, nel 33.

      Dopo gli anni immediatamenti seguenti alla sua fondazione ( 1918 ), la situazione sembrava stabilizzata ed avviata ad un positivo sviluppo.

      Non potevano certo prevedere la crisi americana.
      Le analogie più che con la rpubblica di weimar venno cercate nella lunga crisi capitalistica da cui non siamo usciti, e che forse si aggraverà.
      Allora.....

      stef


      Marzio ha scritto:
      “A volte la storia si ripete e fa un effetto impressionante.”

      da un certo punto di vista possiamo dire che la Storia si ripete, con tutti i limiti di questa espressione, a mio avviso poco fortunata.

      che cosa significa per me "la Storia si ripete"? che eventi storici, a distanza di anni, presentano analogie nelle loro premesse, svolgimento, evoluzione e termine (ammesso che certi fenomeni che emergono in determinati eventi abbiano una fine).

      sicuramente il fascismo non nasce come fenomeno ex nihilo. e gli elementi che hanno portato alla sua ascesa nel 1921, già esistevano da tempo. e il fascismo, soprattutto come fenomeno sottoculturale, non muore con l’insurrezione partigiana. Pasolini ad esempio parlava di una continuità tra fascismo e qualunquismo e del secondo come trionfo del primo...

      Pietro


      Certo, non che mi aspetti qualcosa di esattamente identico al nazifascismo. Forse, mischiando un po’ le carte, il timore è ’soltanto’ che si realizzi il piano P2. E’ piuttosto in quel senso, di controllo dei mezzi di comunicazione e dei centri nevralgici del potere, che l’Italia può temere di veder realizzato un dopoweimar.

      Marzio


      Ragazzi non scherziamo, e piano coi distinguo. La svolta autoritaria c’è già stata, o almeno è già in corso. se continuiamo a dire che il ’fascismo’ era un’altra cosa perché guardiamo solo alle differenze (storiche) va a finire che non sappiamo più riconoscere le cose per quello che sono. Ora e sempre resistenza!

      Un resistente


      Marzio ha scritto:
      “E’ piuttosto in quel senso, di controllo dei mezzi di comunicazione e dei centri nevralgici del potere, che l’Italia può temere di veder realizzato un dopoweimar.”

      è anche l’uscita da precarie condizioni di vita, il relativo benessere, il consumismo, la superficialità delle nuove forme culturali, il " tradimento dei chierici" - e non è che non abbiamo le loro ragioni......- la debolezza originaria dell’ italia laica, progressista e protestante, che ha indebolito la coscienza di classe, lo spirito antagonistico ed agevolato quello che tu temi.......il colpo di stato ce lo siamo - anche - fatto da soli.

      Basta vedere come passano certe leggi di controriforma: militari mercenari, privatizzazione dell’ acqua, prof. di rel. catt. in ruolo, c.d. federalismo, sussidiarietà orizzontale, evasione/elusione fiscale come sport nazionale ed argomento di conversazione, antistatalismo che si respira nell’ aria.....mancanza di ogni dibattito scientifico nella pubblica agorà: ma possibile che non ci sia nessun scienziato - Rubbia che fai? - che ci faccia capire che se non piove - e molto - questo inverno, la prossima estate ci SPAREREMO per avere l’acqua?

      Ho paura che ci sveglieremo, e non sarà bello.

      stef


      Sabato 11 ottobre

      Confesso che a me il discorso sui corsi-ricorsi mi fa venire un prurito diffuso. C’è una vaga allusione all’ineluttabilità del destino dell’uomo, all’impossibilità di esserne “padrone”. E’ ipotizzabile che questa etichetta sia figlia di una cultura dominante che da duemila anni tenta di convincerci che il pensiero umano e le conseguenti azioni sono “cattolicamente” immodificabili? Detto questo, c’è una riga che maffei (!!!) ha scritto molto interessante “Oggi le masse sono molto meno ignoranti rispetto ad allora.” Questa tesi è fondamentale, specie se letta in termini di pensiero e non di “semplice” conoscenza. Sarò ottimista ma ci sono diversi segnali che lasciano filtrare la sensazione di una maggiore vitalità della società, una maggiore resistenza, un assetto critico se non proprio rivoluzionario, almeno scettico e non più pecorone di fronte al paranoico delirante di turno. I “fascisti” esisteranno sempre, ma io ho idea che saranno sempre meno dannosi dal punto di vista storico; sicuramente nel breve periodo imporranno, come attualmente succede, taaaanta “pazienza”. E’ finito il tempo delle rivoluzioni armate. Ora la libertà si difende col pensiero verbale.

      p.s. le strategie economiche del “vuoto a perdere” tremonti sono ispirate a certe situazioni dell’italietta post-feudale…nes pas?

      Tatu


      Tatu ha scritto:
      Sarò ottimista ma ci sono diversi segnali che lasciano filtrare la sensazione di una maggiore vitalità della società, una maggiore resistenza, un assetto critico se non proprio rivoluzionario, almeno scettico e non più pecorone di fronte al paranoico delirante di turno.

      e dire che mi sembravi una persona sensata dai tuoi post che ho letto...

      skerzi a parte, i segnali che vedi ci saranno pure, anzi ci sono, ma sono dovuti al fatto che il tipo di turno è assolutamente troppo delirante e troppo paranoico perché si possa far finta di niente come al solito. l’ulivo aveva ucciso l’ultimo residuo di senso critico sopravvissuto all’era della prima repubblica. ora qualcosa è rinato, ma finché sento dire a persone il cui "assetto critico" sembra inequivocabile che fassino fa tenerezza non mi fido, mi viene da pensare che è fuoco di paglia. no?

      comunque personalmente non credo sia un problema di ineluttabilità della storia che si ripete quello dei corsi e ricorsi etc, ma semplicemente ci sono dei nodi insoluti, dei problemi che sono un po’ delle costanti e che invece di venire risolti vengono messi da parte per qualche contigenza (una guerra ad hoc, una dittatura che impone il silenzio, mediaset e le sue telenovelas, ogni epoca ha li suoi trucchi) passata in secondo piano questa semplicemente si ripropongono. come è ovvio che sia. non di meno si dovrebbe e sicuramente potrebbe prima o poi risolverli.

      Sonoko


      Stef ha scritto:
      E’ stata la crisi del 29 a compromettere gli equilibri di Weimar e a portare quella costituzione alla fine, nel 33.

      Non sono completamente d’accordo...

      La crisi economica ha certamente aggravato la già instabile situazione della Germania anni ’30. Ma non fu l’unica causa.

      Dal punto di vista costituzionale, la "repubblica dei partiti" di Weimar ha rappresentato un importante punto di svolta nei processi di formazione della moderna teoria di Stato. Fu il primo esperimento verso l’ideazione di un sistema costituente fondato sul ruolo cardine dei partiti nella rappresentanza politica nazionale.
      Dei risultati è inutile parlarne: sappiamo cosa essa sia riuscita a produrre nella Storia.

      Dal punto di vista delle genti, questo esperimento si è dimostrato come la peggior sciagura che potesse capitare: il nazismo deve tutto a questo sistema di partiti che gli ha permesso un roboante ingresso nella scena politica.
      Dal punto di vista dei governanti, invece, i risultati ottenuti dalla rep. di Weimar sono stati come un terno al lotto: mai al mondo si è vista una "macchina politica" in grado di produrre così tanta ricchezza finanziaria come il nazismo.

      Le analisi su quanto abbia influito la repubblica di Weimar sugli sviluppi della politica mondiale non sono stati ancora accertati con esattezza, ma nel 1940 Walter Benjamin (forse l’ultimo libero pensatore del secolo passato) ha voluto sintetizzare in questo modo la sua visione di Weimar:
      "...il conformismo, che fin dall’inizio è stato di casa nella socialdemocrazia, non è connesso solo con la sua tattica politica, ma anche con le sue idee economiche. Esso è una causa del suo successivo crollo. Non c’è nulla che abbia corrotto i lavoratori tedeschi quanto la persuasione di nuotare con la corrente. Per loro lo sviluppo tecnico era il favore della corrente con cui pensavano di nuotare. Di quì era breve il passo all’illusione che il lavoro di fabbrica, che si troverebbe nel solco del progresso tecnico, rappresenti un risultato politico."

      Angelus Novus


      Mercoledì 15

      io continuo un attimo il discorso che avevo un po’ tralasciato sul paragone con la nostra attualità: abbiamo un governo di destra, sorto da una forte compartecipazione popolare (indotta o meno) unita e diretta dall’unione verso l’ideale dell’anti-comunismo. Succedutosi tra l’altro ad un governo di sinistra che, di fatto, ha spianato la strada alla privatizzazione. Dico di fatto, perché probabilmente qualunque governo costituzionale si sarebbe dovuto comportare alla stessa maniera vista la situazione (internazionale e non) che c’era: ma rimane il fatto che la socialdemocrazia ha trionfalmente aperto le porte ai palazzinari massoni.

      Chiaramente la situazione non è perfettamente la stessa della Germania degli anni ’30. Ma tuttavia riporta delle posizioni piuttosto analoghe, con la tronfia figura di Berlusconi che aggiunge un tocco di originalità grottesca al tutto.

      Fortunatamente attorno a noi la situazione è ben diversa da allora, per cui sicuramente lo saranno pure gli sviluppi successivi.
      Anche se pensandoci temo che questo non possa assicurarci scenari tanto migliori

      Angelus Novus

      Vedi on line : Forum Indymedia

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